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BOHN’S STANDARD LIBRARY.

FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS.

THE WORKS OF

FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS.

♦ 1

WHISTON’S TRANSLATION ,

REVISED BY THE

REV. A. R. SHILLETO, M.A.

Sometime Scholar of Trinity College, Cambridge,
Translator of Plutarch 7 s Morals, Ethical Essays.

WITH TOPOGRAPHICAL NOTES BY

SIR C. W. WILSON, K.C.M.G.

VOL. III.

Antiquities of the Jews, Book XIV. to end.

LONDON: GEORGE BELL AND SONS, YORK STREET,
COVENT GARDEN.

1889.

CHISWICK PRESS: C. WlJlTTINGHAM AND CO., TOOKS COURT,

QHA'NCERY LANE.

CONTENTS.

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

BOOK XIV.

CONTAINING THE INTERVAL OF THIRTY-TWO YEARS.—FROM THE
DEATH OF QUEEN ALEXANDRA TO THE DEATH OF ANTIGONUS.

PAGE

Chap. I. The War between Aristobulus and Hyrcanus about
the Kingdom ; and how they made an Agreement
that Aristobulus should be King, and Hyrcanus
live a private Life : as also, how Hyrcanus, a
little afterwards, was persuaded by Antipater to
flee to Aretas ....... 1

Chap. II. How Aretas and Hyrcanus made an Expedition
against Aristobulus, and besieged Jerusalem; and
how Scaurus, the Koman General, raised the
Siege. Concerning the Death of Onias . . 4

Chap. III. How Aristobulus and Hyrcanus came to Pompey to
discuss who ought to have the Kingdom 5 and
how, upon the Flight of Aristobulus to the Fortress
of Alexandrium, Pompey led his army against
him, and ordered him to deliver up the Fortresses
of which he was possessed . .... 6

Chap. IV. How Pompey, when the Citizens of Jerusalem shut
the Gates against him, besieged the City and took
it by Storm; also what other things he did in

Judcea.10

Chap. V. How Scaurus made Peace with Aretas. And what
Gabinius did in Judaea, after he had conquered
Alexander, the Son of Aristobulus . . .14

Chap. VI. How Gabinius captured Aristobulus after he had
fled from Pome, and sent him back to Pome
again ; also how Gabinius, as he returned out of
Egypt, overcame Alexander and the Nabataeans
in Battle.16

VI

CONTENTS,

Chap. VII. How Crassus went into Judtca, and pillaged the
Temple; and marched against the Parthians, and
perished with his army. Also how Cassius made
himself master of Syria, and put a stop to the
incursion of the Parthians, and then went into

Judaea.

Chap. VIII. How the Jews became Confederate with Ctesar
when he fought against Egypt. The glorious
Actions of Antipater, and his Friendship with
Ctesar. The Honours which the Jews received
from the Romans and Athenians ....
Chap. IX. How Antipater committed the care of Galilee to
Herod, and that of Jerusalem to Phasaelus; as
also, how Herod, because of the Jews’ envy of
Antipater, was accused before Hyrcanus
Chap. X. The Honours that were paid the Jews ; and the
Alliances that were made by the Romans, and

other Nations, with them.

Chap. XI. How Murcus succeeded Sextus, when he had been
slain by Bassus’ treachery ; and how, after the
death of Caesar, Cassius came into Syria, and
distressed Judtea; as also, how Malichus slew
Antipater, and was himself slain by Herod .

Chap. XII. Herod ejects Antigonus, the Son of Aristobulus,
from Judaea, and gains the Friendship of Antony,
who was now come into Syria, by sending him
much Money; on which Account he would not
hear those that would have accused Herod: and
what it was that Antony wrote to the Tyrians in
behalf of the Jews ......

Chap. XIII. How Antony made Herod and Phasaelus Tetrarchs
after they had been accused to no purpose; and
how the Parthians, when they brought Antigonus
into Judtea, took Hyrcanus and Phasaelus cap¬
tives. Herod’s Flight; and the Afflictions that
Hyrcanus and Phasaelus endured
Chap. XIV. How Herod got away from the King of Arabia, and
made haste to go into Egypt, and thence went
away in haste also to Rome : and how, by pro¬
mising a great deal of money to Antony, he was
made by the Senate and Augustus King of the
Jews .........

Chap. XV. How Herod sailed from Italy to Judtea, and fought
against Antigonus; also what other things hap¬
pened in J udaea about this Time ....

Chap. XVI. How Herod, when he had married Mariamne, took
Jerusalem, with the Assistance of Sossius, by
Force, and how the Reign of the Asamonaeans
was put an end to.

PAGE

19

22

27

31

II

18

52

60

64

74

CONTENTS.

Vll

BOOK XV.

CONTAINING THE INTERVAL OF EIGHTEEN YEARS.—FROM THE DEATH
OF ANTIGONUS TO THE FINISHING OF THE TEMPLE BY HEROD.

PAGE

Chap. I. Concerning Pollio and Sameas. Herod slays the
principal of Antigonus’ Friends, and spoils the
City of its Wealth. Antony beheads Antigonus . 78

Chap. II. How Hyrcanus was set at liberty by the Parthians,
and returned to Herod, and what Alexandra did
when she heard that Ananelus was made High

Priest.80

Chap. III. How Herod, upon his making Aristobulus High
Priest, took care that he should be murdered in a
little time : and what apology he made to Antony
about Aristobulus; as also concerning Joseph
and Mariamne ....... 84

Chap. IV. How Cleopatra, when she had got from Antony some
parts of Judaea and Arabia, came into Judaea;
and how Herod gave her many Presents, and
conducted her on her way back to Egypt . . 91

Chap. V. How Herod made War with the King of Arabia,
and after they had fought many Battles, at length
conquered him, and was chosen by the Arabs to
be Kuler of their Nation; as also concerning a

great Earthquake..95

Chap. VI. How Herod slew Hyrcanus, and then hastened
away to Augustus, and obtained the Kingdom
from him also; and how, a little time afterwards,
he entertained Augustus in a most honourable
manner . . . . . . . .103

Chap. VII. How Herod slew Sohemus, and Mariamne, and
afterwards Alexandra, and Costobarus, and his
most intimate Friends, and at last the Sons of

Babas also.109

Chap. VIII. How ten of the Citizens [of Jerusalem] made a Con¬
spiracy against Herod, because of the foreign
Practices he had introduced, which was a Trans¬
gression of the Laws of their Country. Concern¬
ing the building of Sebaste and Caesarea, and other

Erections of Herod.119

Chap. IX. Concerning the Famine that happened in Judaea
and Syria; and how Herod, after he had married
another Wife, rebuilt Caesarea, and other Greek
Cities.125

vm

CONTENTS.

PAGE

Chap. X. How Herod sent his Sons to Rome; also how he
was accused by Zenodorus and the Gadarenes,
but was cleared of what they accused him of, and
withal gained to himself the Good-will of Augus¬
tus. Also concerning the Pharisees, the Essenes,
and Manahem . . . . . . .132

Chap. XI. How Herod rebuilt the Temple, and raised it higher,
and made it more magnificent than it was before;
as also concerning the Tower which he called
Antonia ...... . . 138

BOOK XVI.

CONTAINING THE INTERVAL OF TWELVE YEARS.—FROM THE FINISHING
OF THE TEMPLE BT HEROD TO THE DEATH OF ALEXANDER
AND ARI8TOBULUS.

Chap. I. A Law of Herod about Housebreakers. Salome and
Pheroras calumniate Alexander and Aristobulus
upon their Return from Rome, for whom Herod

yet provides Wives.146

Chap. II. How Herod twice sailed to Agrippa; and how,
upon the complaint of the Jews in Ionia against
the Greeks, Agrippa confirmed the Laws of the

Jews to them. 148

Chap. III. How great Disturbances arose in Herod’s Family
because of his preferring Antipater, his eldest
Son, to the rest, and how Alexander took that

Injury very much to heart.156

Chap. IV. How, during Antipater’s Abode at Rome, Herod
brought Alexander and Aristobulus before Augus¬
tus, and accused them. Alexander’s Defence of
himself before Augustus, and Reconciliation with

his Father. 159

Chap. V. How Herod celebrated Games, to take place every
fifth Year, upon the Building of Cmsarea; and
how he built and adorned many other Places in a
magnificent manner; and how he did many other

Actions gloriously.Igg

Chap. VI. An Embassage of the Jews in Cyrene and Asia to
Augustus, concerning the Complaints they had
to make against the Greeks; with Copies of the
Letters which Augustus and Agrippa wrote to the

Cities for them..

Chap. VII. How, upon his going down into David’s Tomb, the

Troubles in Herod’s Family greatly increased . 173

Chap. VHI. How Herod arrested Alexander, and put him in
prison, and how Archelaus, King of Cappadocia,
reconciled him to his Father Herod again . . 180

CONTENTS. ix

PAGE

Chap. IX. Concerning the Revolt of the Trachonites ; how
Syllaeus accused Herod before Augustus; and
how Herod, when Augustus was angry with him,
resolved to send Nicolaus to Rome . . .186

Chap. X. How Enrycles falsely accused Herod’s Sons, and
how their Father put them in prison, and wrote
to Augustus about them. Of Syllseus, and how
he was accused by Nicolaus. .... 191

Chap. XL. How Herod, by Permission of Augustus, accused
his sons before a Council of Judges at Berytus;
and what Tero suffered for using too much Liberty
of Speech. Concerning also the Execution of the
young Men, and their Burial at Alexandrium . 199

BOOK XVII.

CONTAINING THE INTERVAL OF FOURTEEN YEARS.—FROM THE DEATH
OF ALEXANDER AND ARISTOBULUS TO THE BANISHMENT
OF ARCHELAUS.

Chap. I.

Chap. II.

Chap. III.

Chap. IV.

Chap. V.

Chap. VI.

How Antipater was hated by all the Nation for the
Death of his Brothers ; and how, for that Reason,
he courted his Friends at Rome, by giving them
many Presents; as he did also to Saturninus,
the Governor of Syria, and to others. Also con¬
cerning Herod’s Wives and Children .
Concerning the Babylonian Jew Zamaris. Also con¬
cerning the Plots laid by Antipater against his
Father. Also about the Pharisees
Of the Enmity between Herod and Pheroras; how
Herod sent Antipater to Augustus; and of the
Death of Pheroras ......

Pheroras’ Wife is accused by his Freedmen of
poisoning him ; and how Herod, upon examining
the Matter by Torture, found the Poison; but
also that it had been prepared for himself by his
son Antipater ; and how, upon Inquiry by Tor¬
ture, he discovered the dangerous Designs of

Antipater.

Antipater sails Home from Rome to his Father;
and how he was accused by Nicolaus of Damascus,
and condemned to die by his Father, and by
Quintilius Varus, who was then Governor of
Syria; and how he was imprisoned till the Em¬
peror should decide on the Case ....
Concerning the Illness that Herod had, and the
Rebellion which the Jews raised in consequence,
as also the Punishment of the Rebellious

b

206

209

213

215

219

229

CONTENTS.

X

Chap. VII.

Chap. VIII.
Chap. IX.

Chap. X.

Chap. XI.

Chap XII.
Chap. XIII.

PAGE

Herod has thoughts of killing himself with his own
hands, and a little afterwards orders Antipater to
be slain . . . . • ■ • •

Concerning Herod’s Heath, Testament, and Burial .
How the People raised a Rebellion against Arche-
laus, and how he Sailed to Rome .

An Insurrection of the Jews against Sabinus; and
how Varus brought the Authors of it to Punish¬
ment .

An Embassy of the Jews to Augustus, and how he
confirmed Herod’s Testament ....
Concerning a spurious Alexander ....
How Archelaus, upon a second Accusation, was
banished to Vienne.

235

236

239

247

255

259

261

BOOK XVIII.

CONTAINING THE INTERVAL OF THIRTY-TWO YEARS.—FROM THE
BANISHMENT OF ARCHELAUS, TO THE DEPARTURE OF
THE JEWS FROM BABYLON.

Chap. I. How Cyrenius was sent by Augustus to take a
Valuation of Syria and Judaea; and how Copo-
nius was sent to be Procurator of J-udsea; also of
Judas of Galilee, and the Sects that were among
the Jews ..... ... 264

Chap. II. How Herod and Philip built several Cities in Honour
of Caesar Augustus. Concerning the Succession
of Priests and Procurators; also concerning
Phraates and the Parthians .... 268

Chap. III. Insurrection of the Jews against Pontius Pilate.

Concerning Christ, and what befell Paulina and

the Jews at Rome.273

Chap. IV. How the Samaritans made a Tumult, and how j
Pilate slew many of them : also how Pilate was
accused, and what was done by Vitellius as re¬
garded the Jews and the Parthians . . . 278

Chap. V. Herod the Tetrarch makes War with Aretas, the
King of Arabia, and is beaten by him ; also con¬
cerning the Death of John the Baptist; and how
Vitellius went up to Jerusalem ; together with
some Account of Agrippa, and of the Posterity of

Herod the Great.282

Chap. VI. How Agrippa sailed for Rome to Tiberius; and
how, upon his being accused by his own freedman,
he was put in prison; and how' he was set at
liberty by Cains, after Tiberius’ death, and was
made King of the Tetrarchy of Philip .

288

CONTENTS.

XI

PAGE

Chap. VII. How Herod the Tetrarch was exiled to Lugdunum . 302

Chap. VIII. Concerning the Embassage of the Jews to Caius,
and how Caius sent Petronius into Syria to make
War against the Jews, unless they would receive

his Statue.305

Chap. IX. What befell the Jews that were in Babylon, because

of two Brothers, Asinaeus and Anilaeus . .314

BOOK XIX.

CONTAINING THE INTERVAL OF THREE YEARS AND A HALF.—FROM
THE DEPARTURE OF THE JEWS OUT OF BABYLON, TO
FADUS, THE ROMAN PROCURATOR.

Chap. I. How Caius was slain by Chserea Cassius. . . 325

Chap. II. How the Senators wished to restore the Republic;

but the soldiers were for preserving the Monarchy.

The Murder of Caius’ Wife and Daughter. The
character of Caius ...... 345

Chap. III. How Claudius was seized, and brought out of his
House, and taken to the Camp, and how the
Senate sent an Embassage to him . . . 354

Chap. IV. What King Agrippa did for Claudius, and how
Claudius, when he had become Emperor, com¬
manded the Murderers of Caius to be slain . . 358

Chap. V. How Claudius restored to Agrippa his Grandfather’s
Kingdoms, and augmented his Dominions, and
how he published an Edict in behalf of the Jews . 363

Chap, VI. What was done by Agrippa at Jerusalem, when he
had returned to Judaea: and what Petronius
wrote in behalf of the Jews to the Inhabitants of

Doris.366

Chap. VII. Concerning Silas, and why King Agrippa was angry
with him. How Agrippa began to surround Jeru¬
salem with a wall; and what Benefits he bestowed
on the Inhabitants of Berytus .... 369

Chap. VIII. What other Acts were done by Agrippa until his

Death; and how he died ..... 372

Chap. IX. What happened after the Death of Agrippa; and
how Claudius, on account of the Youth and Un¬
skilfulness of Agrippa Junior, sent Cuspius Fadus

to be Governor of Judaea, and of the entire
Kingdom of Agrippa ...... 375

Xll

CONTENTS.

BOOK XX.

CONTAINING THE INTERVAL OF TWENTY-TWO TEARS.—
FROM FADES TO FLORUS.

Chap. I. A Quarrel between the Philadelphians and the
Jews; also concerning the Vestments of the High

Priest.

Chap. II. How Helena, Queen of Adiabene, and her son Izates,
embraced the Jewish Religion; and how Helena
supplied the Poor with Corn when there was a
great Famine at Jerusalem .....

Chap. III. How Artabanns, King of Parthia, afraid of the
Plots of his Subjects against him, went to Izates,
and was by him reinstated in his Kingdom ; as
also how Vardanes, his son, denounced War
against Izates .......

Chap. IV, How Izates was betrayed by his own Subjects, and
fought against by the Arabians ; and how, by
the Providence of God, he was delivered out of
their hands ........

Chap. V. Concerning Theudas, and the Sons of Judas the
Galilsean; as also what calamity fell upon the
Jews on the Day of the Passover ....

Chap. VI. How a Quarrel happened between the Jews and
the Samaritans, and how Claudius put an End to
their Differences .......

Chap. VII. Felix is made Governor of Judaea; also concerning
Agrippa Junior and his Sisters ....

Chap. VIII. How, upon the Death of Claudius, Nero succeeded
as Emperor, as also what barbarous things he
did. Concerning the Robbers, Murderers, and
Impostors that arose while Felix and Festus were
Governors of Judtea ......

Chap. IX. Concerning Albinus, under whose Governorship
James was slain, also what Edifices were built by

Agrippa.

Chap. X. An enumeration of the High Priests
Chap. XI. Concerning Gessius Floras the Governor, who forced
the Jews to take up arms against the Romans.
Conclusion of the Antiquities of the Jews .

PAGE

377

379

384

387

390

393

396

398

404

408

411

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

BOOK XIV.

CONTAINING THE INTERVAL OF THIRTY-TWO YEARS.-FROM

THE DEATH OF QUEEN ALEXANDRA TO THE DEATH OF
ANTIGONUS.

CHAP. I.

The War between Aristobulus and Hyreanus about the King¬
dom ; and how they made an Agreement that Aristobulus
should be King, and Hyreanus live a private Life : as also,
how Hyreanus, a little afterwards, was persuaded by Anti¬
pater to flee to Aretas.

. § L

I HAVE related the reign of queen Alexandra and her
death in the previous book, and will now speak of what
followed next, having nothing so much at heart as this,
that I may omit no facts, either from ignorance or fault
of memory. For I am upon the history and relation of
such things as most people are unacquainted with because
of their antiquity, and I aim to do it with a proper beauty
of style, so far as that is derived from words well arranged,
and from such ornaments of speech also as may contribute
to the pleasure of my readers, that they may imbibe the
knowledge of what I write with satisfaction and pleasure.
But the principal end that authors ought to aim at is to
speak accurately and truly, for the satisfaction of those
that are unacquainted with the transactions, and obliged
to believe what writers tell them.

§ 2. Now Hyreanus began his high priesthood in the third

2

THE WORKS OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XIV.

year of the hundred and seventy-seventh Olympiad, when
Quintus Hortensius and Quintus Metellus, who was also
called Creticus, were consuls at Rome. And Aristobulus
directly began to make war against him, and as it came to
a battle at Jericho, many of the soldiers of Hyrcanus de¬
serted him, and went over to his brother; upon which
Hyrcanus fled into the citadel, where Aristobulus’ wife
and children had been imprisoned by his mother, as I have
said already, and attacked and overcame his adversaries
that had fled to the temple precincts. And when he had
sent a message to his brother to treat with him, he
laid aside his enmity to him on these conditions, that
Aristobulus should be king, and that he should live with¬
out meddling in public affairs, and quiety enjoy his private
fortune. When they had agreed upon these terms in the
temple, and had confirmed the agreement with oaths, and
the giving one another their right hands, and embracing
one another in the sight of the whole multitude, they de¬
parted, Aristobulus to the palace, and Hyrcanus, as a
private man, to the house of Aristobulus.

§ 3. But there was a certain friend of Hyrcanus, an
Idumsean, called Antipater, who was very rich, and by
nature an energetic and factious man; he was at enmity with
Aristobulus, and had differences with him, from his good¬
will to Hyrcanus. Nicolaus of Damascus says indeed that
Antipater was of the stock of the leading Jews who returned
from Babylon into Judsea; but that assertion of his was
made to gratify Herod, who was Antipater’s son, and who,
by certain revolutions of fortune, came afterwards to be
king of the Jews, whose history I shall give in its proper
place. Now this Antipater was at first called Antipas, and
that was his father’s name also, of whom they relate that
king Alexander and his wife made him governor of
all Idumaea, and that he made a league of friendship
with those Arabians and Gazites and Ascalonites that
thought as he did, and by many and large presents
made them his fast friends. But the younger Antipater
was suspicious of the power of Aristobulus, and was afraid
that he might do him some mischief because of his hatred
to him, so he stirred up the most powerful of the Jews
privately against him by detraction, and said that it was

CHAP. I.]

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

3

wrong to overlook the conduct of Aristobulus, who had
got the government unrighteously, and ejected his brother
out of it, who was the elder, and ought to retain what
belonged to him by primogeniture. And he perpetually
made the same speeches to Hyrcanus, and told him, that his
own life would be in danger, unless he was on his guard,
and got rid of Aristobulus ; for he said that the friends of
Aristobulus omitted no opportunity of advising him to kill
him, as being then, and not before, sure to retain the king¬
dom. Hyrcanus gave no credit to these words of his, being
of a good disposition, and one that did not readily, owing
to his mild character, listen to calumny. This temper of
his, not disposing him to meddle in public affairs, and want
of spirit, made him appear to spectators degenerate and
unmanly ; while Aristobulus was of a contrary temper, an
active man and wide awake.

§ 4. When Antipater saw that Hyrcanus did not attend
to what he said, he ceased not day by day to charge feigned
crimes upon Aristobulus, and to calumniate him as desirous
to kill him, and by being always at him he at last with
great difficulty persuaded him to flee to Aretas, the king
of Arabia, and promised, that if he would comply with his
advice, he would also himself assist him. When Hyrcanus
heard this, he said that it was for his advantage to flee to
Aretas; for Arabia is a country that borders upon Judaea.
However, Hyrcanus sent Antipater first to the king of
Arabia, in order to receive assurances from him, that when
he should come as a suppliant to him, he would not deliver
him up to his enemies. And Antipater, having received
such assurances, returned to Hyrcanus to Jerusalem. Not
long afterwards he took Hyrcanus, and stole out of the
city by night, and travelled fast, and brought him to the
city called Petra, 1 where the palace of Aretas was ; and as
he was a very intimate friend of that king’s he urged him
to bring back Hyrcanus into Judaea, and continued his suit
every day without intermission, and also offered him pre¬
sents, and at last he prevailed with Aretas. Moreover,
Hyrcanus promised him, that when he had been restored,
and had recovered his kingdom, he would give back the
territory and twelve cities which his father Alexander had
1 Petra, near Mount Hor, to the east of the ’Arabah.

4

THE WORKS OP FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XIV.

taken from the Arabians, namely, Medaba, 1 Naballo, 2
Libias, 3 Tharabasa, 2 Agalla, 1 Athone, 2 Zoara, 6 Oronae, 6
Marissa, 7 Rydda, 2 Lusa, 2 and Oryba. 2

CHAP. II.

How Aretas and Hyrcanus made an Expedition against
Aristobulus, and besieged Jerusalem; and how Scaurus,
the Roman General, raised the Siege. Concerning the
Death of Onias.

§ 1 -

A FTER these promises had been made to Aretas, he
marched against Aristobulus with an army of fifty
thousand horse and foot, and beat him in battle. And as

after that victory many went over to Hyrcanus as deserters,
Aristobulus was left alone, and fled to Jerusalem. Upon
this the king of Arabia took all his army, and made an
assault upon the temple, and besieged Aristobulus therein,
the people still supporting Hyrcanus and assisting him in
the siege, while none but the priests continued with Aris¬
tobulus. So Aretas united the forces of the Arabians and
Jews together, and pressed on the siege vigorously. As
this happened at the time when the feast of Unleavened
Bread, which we call the Passover, was being celebrated,
the principal men among the Jews left the country and fled
into Egypt. Now there was one whose name was Onias,
a righteous man and beloved of God, who, in a certain
drought, had prayed to God to put an end to the intense
heat, and whose prayer God had heard, and had sent rain.
This man had hid himself, because he saw that this civil

] Medeba , east of the Dead Sea.

2 Site unknown.

3 The Beth-Aram of Josh. xiii. 27, now Tell er-Rameh } N.E. of the
Dead Sea.

4 Probably the Eglaim of Isaiah xv. 8, which Eusebius places eight
miles S. of Ar of Moab.

6 Apparently the later Zoar in the Ghor es-Safi } S.E. of the Dead
Sea.

6 Probably the Horonaim of Is. xv. 5, and Jer. xlviii. 3, 6, 34. Site
unknown.

7 Mareshah, Kk. Mer^ash.

CHAP. II.]

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

5

war would last a long while. However, they brought him
to the Jewish camp, and desired, that as by his prayers he
had once put an end to the drought, so he would in like
manner utter imprecations on Aristobulus and those of
his faction. And when, upon his refusing and making ex¬
cuses, he was still compelled to speak by the multitude, he
stood up in the midst of them, and said, “ O God, the king
of the whole world, since those that stand now with me
are thy people, and those that are besieged are also thy
priests, I beseech thee, that thou wilt neither hearken to
the prayers of those against these, not bring to effect what
these pray against those.” And the wicked Jews who
stood around him, as soon as he had made this prayer,
stoned him to death.

§ 2 . But God punished them immediately for this bar¬
barity, and took vengeance on them for the murder of
Onias, in the manner following. As the priests and Aris¬
tobulus were besieged, it happened that the feast called
the Passover was come, at which it is our custom to offer a
great number of sacrifices to God; and those that were
with Aristobulus wanted victims, and desired that their
countrymen without would furnish them with such, and
assured them they should have as much money for them
as they wished; and when they required them to pay a
thousand drachm® for each head of cattle, Aristobulus and
the priests -willingly undertook to pay for them accordingly,
and those within let down the money over the walls, and
gave it to them. But when the others had received it, they
did not deliver the victims, but arrived at that height of
-wickedness as to break the promises they had given, and
to be guilty of impiety towards God, by not furnishing
those that wanted them with victims. And when the
priests found they had been cheated, and that the agree¬
ments that had been made were violated, they prayed to
God that he would avenge them on their countrymen.
Nor did he delay that punishment, but sent a strong and
vehement storm of wind, that destroyed the fruits of the
whole country, till a modius of wheat was bought for eleven
drachmae.

§ 3. Meantime Pompey sent Scarurus into Syria, as he
was himself in Armenia making war against Tigranes : and

6

THE WORKS OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XIV.

when Scaurus was come to Damascus, and found that
Lollius and Metellus had just taken that city, he pushed
on into Judaea. And when he was come there, ambassa¬
dors came to him both from Aristobulus and Hyrcanus, for
both asked him to assist them. And as both of them
promised to give him money, Aristobulus four hundred
talents, and Hyrcanus no less, he accepted of Aristobulus’
promise, for he was rich and had a great soul, and desired
to obtain nothing but what was fair, whereas the other was
poor, and mean, and made incredible promises for greater
advantages. Nor was it the same thing to take a city by
storm, which was exceedingly strong and powerful, as it
was to eject out of the country some fugitives, with a
quantity of Nabataeans, who were no very warlike people.
He therefore made an agreement with Aristobulus for the
reasons before mentioned, and took his money, and raised
the siege, and ordered Aretas to depart, or else he should
be declared an enemy to the Romans. Then Scaurus re¬
turned to Damascus again, and Aristobulus with a great
army marched against Aretas and Hyrcanus, and fought
them at a place called Papyron, 1 and beat them in the
battle, and slew about six thousand of the enemy, among
whom fell Phallion also, the brother of Anti pater.

CHAP. IH.

Sow Aristobulus and Hyrcanus came to Pompey to discuss
who ought to have the Kingdom; and how, upon the Flight
of Aristobulus to the Fortress of Alexandrium, Pompey
led his army against him, and ordered him to deliver up
the Fortresses of which he was possessed.

§ 1 .

A LITTLE afterwards Pompey came to Damascus, and
marched over Ccele-Syria, and there came to him am¬
bassadors from all Syria, and Egypt, and from Judaea
also. For Aristobulus sent him a great present, which was a

1 A town or river, the locality of which is unknown. The battle took
place in 63 B.c.

CHAP. III.] ANTIQUITIES OP THE JEWS.

7

golden vine, 1 * * and worth five hundred talents. Now Strabo
of Cappadocia mentions this present in the following words.
“ There came also an embassage out of Egypt and a crown
of the value of four thousand pieces of gold, and out of
Judaea there came another, whether you call it a vine or a
garden : they called it Terpole (Delight). However, I
myself saw that present deposited at Rome in the temple
of Jupiter Capitolinus, with this inscription, ‘ The gift of
Alexander the king of the Jews.’ It was valued at five hun¬
dred talents, and the report is, that Aristobulus, the ruler
of the Jews sent it.”

§ 2. A little time afterwards came ambassadors again to
him, Antipater on behalf of Hyrcanus, and Nicodemus on
behalf of Aristobulus; which last also accused those who
had taken bribes, first Gabinius, and then Scaurus, the one
having had three hundred talents, and the other four hun¬
dred ; by which proceeding he made those two his enemies,
besides those he had before. And when Pompey had
ordered those that had differences with one another to
come to him in the beginning of the spring, he took his
army out of their winter quarters, and marched into the
country near Damascus ; and as he went along he demo¬
lished the citadel that was at Apamea, 4 that Antiochus
Cyzicenus had built, and subdued the country of Ptolemy
Mennseus (a wicked man, and not less so than Dionysius
of Tripolis, who had been beheaded, who was also his rela-

1 This ‘ golden vine,’ or 1 garden,’ seen by Strabo at Rome, has its

inscription here as if it were the gift of Alexander, the father of Aris¬
tobulus, and not of Aristobulus himself, to whom yet Josephus ascribes
it; and in order to prove the truth of that part of his history, introduces

this testimony of Strabo; so that the ordinary copies seem to be here
either erroneous or defective, and the original reading seems to have
been either ‘ Aristobulus,’ instead of ‘ Alexander,’ with one Greek copy,
or else ‘ Aristobulus the son of Alexander,’with the Latin copies, which
last seems to me the most probable. For as to Archbishop Usher’s con¬
jectures, that Alexander made it, and dedicated it to God in the temple,
and that thence Aristobulus took it, and sent it to Pompey, they are
both very improbable, and no way agreeable to Josephus, who would
hardly have avoided the recording both these uncommon points of his¬
tory, had he known of them ; nor would either the Jewish nation, or
even Pompey himself, then have relished such a flagrant instance of
sacrilege.—W.

4 Kal’at el-Medyk, in Syria.

8

THE WORKS OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XIV.

tion by marriage), who however bought off the punishment
of his crimes for a thousand talents, with which money
Pompey paid the soldiers their wages. He also razed to the
ground the fortress of Lysias, 1 of which Silas a Jew was
tyrant. And when he had passed by the cities of Helio¬
polis 2 and Chalcis, 3 and crossed over the mountain which is
the boundary of Ccele-Syria, he went from Pella 4 to Damas¬
cus ; and there he carefully heard the Jews, and their
governors Hyrcanus and Aristobulus, who were at variance
with one another, as also the nation against them both, for
it did not desire to be under kingly government, because the
form of government they had received from their forefathers
was that of subjection to the priests of that G-od whom
they worshipped, whereas though Hyrcanus and Aristo¬
bulus were the posterity of priests, yet did they seek to
change the government of their nation to another form, in
order to enslave them. As to Hyrcanus, he complained,
that although he was the elder brother, he was deprived of
the prerogative of his birth by Aristobulus, and that he
had but a small part of the country under him, Aristobulus
having taken away the rest from him by force. He also
stated that the raids which had been made into their
neighbours’ countries, and the piratical expeditions by sea,
were owing to him, and that the nation would not have
revolted, had not Aristobulus been a man given to violence
and disorder. And there were no fewer than a thousand
Jews, of the best reputation, who confirmed this accusation,
being suborned by Antipater. But Aristobulus alleged on
the other hand that it was Hyrcanus’ own nature, which
was inactive, and so contemptible, that had caused him to
be deprived of the government; and that, as for himself, he
was necessitated to take it upon him, for fear it should be
transferred to others, and as to his title of king, it was no
other than the same title that his father had taken before
him. And he called as witnesses of this some persons who
were both young and insolent, whose purple garments,
fine heads of hair, and other ornaments, made them objec¬
tionable, for they appeared not as though they were to

1 Site unknown. 2 Now Ba’albek.

3 Now Kinnisrin. * Tubakdt Fahil, east of Jordan.

CHAP. III.]

ANTIQUITIES OP THE JEWS.

9

plead their cause in a court of justice, but as if they
formed part of a triumphal procession.

§ 3. When Pompey had heard these two, and had con¬
demned Aristobulus for his violent proceedings, he then
spoke civilly to them, and sent them away, and told them
that when he came into their country again he would
settle all their affairs, after he had first taken a view of the
affairs of the Nabataeans. Meantime he ordered them to be
quiet, and at the same time paid great attention to Aristo¬
bulus, lest he should make the nation revolt, and hinder
his return ; which Aristobulus did: for without waiting
for that further determination which Pompey had pro¬
mised, he went to the city of Dium, 1 and thence marched
into Judaea.

§ 4. Pompey was angry at this behaviour, and taking
with him the army which he was leading against the
Nabataeans, and the auxiliaries that came from Damascus
and the rest of Syria, with the other Roman legions which
he had with him, marched against Aristobulus. And as
he passed by Pella and Scythopolis, 2 he came to Core®, 3
which is the first town in Judaea as one passes through the
interior of the country, where he came to a most beautiful
fortress (that was built on the top of a mountain), called
Alexandrium, 4 to which Aristobulus had fled, and Pompey
sent his commands to him, that he should come to him.
Accordingly, as many urged him not to make war with the
Romans, he came down, and when he had disputed with
his brother the right to the government, he went up again
to the citadel, as Pompey gave him leave to do. And this
he did two or three times, flattering himself with the hopes
of having the kingdom granted him, and pretending he
would obey Pompey in whatever he commanded, although
at the same time he retired to his fortress, that he might
not depress himself too low, and that he might be prepared
for war, in case Pompey, as he feared, should transfer the
government to Hyrcanus. But when Pompey ordered
Aristobulus to deliver up the fortresses he held, and to
send written orders to their governors in his own hand-

1 One of the towns of Decapolis, not yet identified.

2 Beisan. 3 Now KeriUt.

4 Now Kefr Ist&na.

10

THE WORKS OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XIV.

writing for that purpose, for they had been forbidden to
deliver them upon any other conditions, he obeyed indeed,
hut retired in dudgeon to Jerusalem, and made prepara¬
tions for war. A little after this certain persons came out
of Pontus, and informed Pompey, as he was on the way
and leading his army against Aristobulus, that Mithridates
was dead, having been slain by his son Pharnaces.

CHAP. IV.

How Pompey, when the Citizens of Jerusalem shut the Gates
against him, besieged the City and took it by Storm ; also
what other things he did in Judaea.

§ 1 .

N OW Pompey pitched his camp at Jericho (where the
palm-tree grows, and that balsam which is of all
ointments the most precious, which upon any incision
made in the wood with a sharp stone distils out like juice),
and marched next morning to Jerusalem. Thereupon
Aristobulus repented, and went to Pompey, and offered
him money, and promised to receive him into Jerusalem,
and begged that he would leave off the war, and do what
he pleased peaceably. Then Pompey, upon his entreaty,
forgave him, and sent Gabinius and some soldiers to receive
the money and take possession of the city. But none of
these promises were performed, but Gabinius returned,
not only having been shut out of the city, but also having
received none of the money promised, because Aristobulus’
soldiers would not permit the agreement to be carried out.
At this Pompey was very angry, and put Aristobulus into
prison, and went himself to the city, which was strong on
every side, excepting the north, which was not well forti¬
fied ; for there was a broad and deep ditch that ran round
the city,' and included within it the temple, which was
itself surrounded with a very strong stone wall.

1 The particular depth and breadth of this ditch whence the stones
for the wall about the temple were probably taken, are omitted in our
copies of Josephus, but set down by Strabo, xvi. p. 763, from whom we
learn, that this ditch was sixty feet deep, and 250 feet broad.—W.

CHAP. IV.]

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

11

§ 2. Now there was variance among the men that were
within the city, for they did not agree as to what was to he
done in their present circumstances, for some thought it best
to deliver up the city to Pompey, but Aristobulus’ party ex¬
horted them to shut the gates and fight, because he was
kept in prison. And these got the start of the others, and
seized upon the temple, and cut off the bridge which
reached from it to the city, and prepared themselves to
stand a siege ; but the others admitted Pompey’s army in,
and delivered up both the city and the king’s palace to
him. Then Pompey sent his lieutenant Piso with an
army, and placed garrisons both in the city and in the
palace to secure them, and fortified the houses that joined
the temple, and all those that were outside but in the
neighbourhood of it. And first he offered conditions to
those within, but as they would not comply with what
he invited them to, he fortified all the places thereabout,
and Hyrcanus zealously assisted him in everything. And
Pompey pitched his camp outside, 1 2 at the north end of the
temple, where it was most open to attack, though even on
that side great towers rose up, and a trench had been dug,
and a deep ravine begirt it round about, for the parts towards
the city were precipitous, and the bridge on which Pompey
had entered in was broken down; however, a bank was
raised day by day with a great deal of labour, as the
Romans cut down the trees all round. And when this
bank was sufficiently raised, and the trench filled up with
difficulty owing to its immense depth, Pompey had his
engines and battering rams brought from Tyre, and placing
them on the bank, kept battering the temple with his cata¬
pults. Now had it not been our national practice to rest
on the seventh days, this bank would never have been
completed, owing to the opposition the Jews would have
made; for though our law allows us to defend ourselves
against those that commence a fight with us and assault
us, it does not permit us to meddle with our enemies on
the Sabbath-days while they do anything else. 3

1 So Diudorf.

2 It deserves here to be noted, that this notion that offensive fight¬

ing was unlawful to the Jews, even under the utmost necessity, on
the Sabbath-day, of which we hear nothing before the times of the

12

THE WORKS OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XIV.

§ 3. Now when the Romans observed this, they threw no
missiles at the Jews on those days which we call Sabbaths,
nor did they come to a hand to hand fight, but raised up
their bank and towers, and brought forward their engines
that they might do execution the following day. And one
may learn how very great piety we exercise towards God,
and how much we observe his laws, from the fact that the
priests were not at all hindered from their sacred ministra¬
tions by fear during the siege, but did still twice a day, in
the morning and at the ninth hour, offer their sacrifices on
the altar, nor did they omit those sacrifices if any melan¬
choly accident happened during the assaults. Indeed when
the city was taken in the third month, on the day of the
fast, in the hundred and seventh-ninth Olympiad, when
Caius Antonius and Marcus Tullius Cicero were consuls,
and the enemy fell upon them, and cut the throats of those
that were in the temple, yet did not those that offered the
sacrifices leave them off, nor could they be compelled to run
away, either from the fear they were in for their own lives, or
from the numbers that had been already slain, thinking it
better to suffer whatever came upon them at the very altars,
than to omit anything that their laws required of them.
And that this is not a mere tale to pass an encomium upon
piety that was never displayed, but is the real truth, I
appeal to all those that have written of the acts of Pompey,
who bear me out, and among them to Strabo and Nicolaus,
and also to Titus Livius, the writer of the Roman history.

§ 4. Now when the battering engine was applied, the
greatest of the towers was shaken by it and fell down, and
opened a breach in the walls, so the enemy poured in
apace, and Cornelius Faustus, son of the famous Sulla, with
his soldiers, first of all scaled the wall, and after him Furius
the centurion, with those that followed him on the other
side, while Fabius, who was also a centurion, scaled it
in the middle, with a great body of men with him. And
now all was full of slaughter, some of the Jews being slain
by the Romans, and some by one another; nay, there were
some who threw themselves down the precipices, or put
fire to their houses and burned them, not being able to

Maccabees, was the cause of Jerusalem’s being taken by Pompey, by
Sosius, and by Titus.—W.

CHAP. IV.] ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. IS

bear their miseries. Of the Jews there fell twelve thousand,
but of the Romans very few. Absalom, who was at once
both uncle and father-in-law of Aristobulus, was taken
captive. And no small outrage was commited in the Holy
of Holies, which before had been inaccessible and seen
by none ; for Pompey went into it, and not a few of those
that were with him also, and saw all that it was un¬
lawful for any men to see but the high priests. There
were there the golden table, the holy candlestick, and
the pouring vessels, and a great quantity of spices ; and
besides these there were among the treasures two thousand
talents of sacred money; but Pompey touched nothing of
all this, 1 on account of his regard to religion, but in this
point also acted in a manner that was worthy of his virtue.
The next day he gave order to those that had the charge of
of the temple to cleanse it, and to bring what offerings the
law required to God; and he restored the high priesthood to
Hyrcanus, not only because he had been useful to him in
other respects, but also because he had hindered the Jews
in the country from giving Aristobulus any assistance in
the war. He also cut off the heads of those that had been
the authors of the war, and bestowed fitting rewards on
Cornelius Faustus and the others that had mounted the
walls with such alacrity. And he made Jerusalem tribu¬
tary to the Romans, and took away those cities of Ccele-
Syria which the inhabitants of Judaea had formerly sub¬
dued, and put them under the government of the Roman
praetor, and contracted the whole nation, which had
elevated itself so high, within its own bounds. Moreover,
he rebuilt Gadara (which had been razed to the ground
a little before), to gratify Demetrius of Gadara, 2 who was
his freedman, and restored the rest of the cities, as Hippos, 3
and Scythopolis, and Pella, 4 and Bium,’ and Samaria, 6 as
also Marissa, 7 Azotus, 8 Jamnia, 9 and Arethusa, 10 to their

1 This is fully confirmed by the testimony of Cicero, who says in his
oration for Flaccus, that “ Cnteus Pompeius, when he was conqueror,
and had taken Jerusalem, did not touch anything belonging to the-
temple.”—W.

a Umm Keis. 3 Susiyeh, see Life, § 9.

4 See note 4, p. 8. 5 See note I, p. 9.

8 Sebustieh. 1 Kh. Mer’ash. 8 Esdild.

9 Yebnah. 10 Now Restan, sixteen miles from Homs, Emesa.

14

THE WORKS OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XIV.

own inhabitants. And these were in the interior of the
country, except those that had been razed to the ground. As
to the maritime cities, as Gaza and Joppa and Dora 1 and
Strato’s Tower (which last Herod rebuilt in a glorious
manner, and adorned with havens and temples, and changed
its name to Caesarea 2 ), Pompey left all of them free, and
joined them to the province of Syria.

§ 5. Now the causers of this misery which came upon
Jerusalem were Hyrcanus and Aristobulus, by their being
at variance with one another ; for we lost our liberty, and
became subject to the Romans, and were deprived of the
territory which we had gained by our arms from the Syrians.
Moreover, the Eomans exacted of us in a short time more
than ten thousand talents. And the royal authority, which
was a dignity formerly bestowed on those that were high
priests by right of their family, became the property of
common men. But of these matters I shall treat in their
proper place. And Pompey handed over Ccele-Syria, as far
as the river Euphrates and Egypt, to Scaurus, and two
Eoman legions, and then went away to Cilicia, and pushed
on to Rome. He also bound Aristobulus and carried him
and his children along with him, for he had two daughters,
and as many sons; one of whom, Alexander, ran away, but
the younger, Antigonus, was carried to Rome with his
sisters.

CHAP. Y.

How Scaurus made Peace with Aretas. And what Oabinius
did in Judaea, after he had conquered Alexander, the Son
of Aristobulus.

§ 1 .

S CAURUS now made an expedition against Petra 3 in
Arabia, and ravaged all the places round about it, be¬
cause of the great difficulty of access to it. And as his
army was pinched by famine. Antipater furnished him
with com from Judsea, and with whatever else he wanted,

1 TantHrah. 2 Caesarea Palaestina, now Kaisariyeh.

3 See note 1, p. 3.

CHAP. V.] ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 15

at the command of Hyrcanus. And Antipater, being
sent to Aretas as an ambassador by Scaurus, because they
were old friends, persuaded Aretas to give Scaurus a sum
of money to prevent the ravaging of his country, and
undertook to be bis surety for three hundred talents. And
Scaurus, upon these terms, ceased to make war against him
any longer, for he wanted peace as much as Aretas.

§ 2. Some time after this, when Alexander, the son of
Aristobulus, overran Judaea, G-abinius came from Rome to
Syria, as commander of the Roman forces. He did many
other considerable actions, and marched against Alexander,
as Hyrcanus was no longer able to hold out against
Alexander’s power, but was already attempting to rebuild
the walls of Jerusalem, which Pompey had overthrown,
although the Romans who were there restrained him from
that. However, Alexander scoured all the country-side,
and armed many of the Jews, and quickly got together
ten thousand foot and fifteen hundred horse, and fortified
Alexandrium 1 (a fortress near Core®) and Machserus 2 near
the mountains of Arabia. G-abinius therefore advanced
against him, having sent on Mark Antony and other com¬
manders. They armed such Romans as followed them, and
besides them such Jews as were subject to them, who were
led by Pitholaus and Malichus, and they also took with
them the friendly contingent of Antipater, and met Alex¬
ander ; and Gabinius himself followed with the heavy
armed troops. Thereupon Alexander retired to near Jeru¬
salem, where they fell upon one another, and a pitched
battle ensued, in which the Romans slew about three
thousand of their enemies, and took as many alive.

§ 3. Meantime Gabinius went to Alexandrium, and
invited those that were in it to cessation of hostilities, and
promised that their former offences should be forgiven.
But as many of the enemy had pitched their camp before
the fortress, the Romans attacked them, and Mark Antony
fought bravely, and slew a great number, and seemed to
come off with the greatest honour. So Gabinius left part
of the army there to reduce the place, and he himself went
into the other parts of Judsea, and gave orders to rebuild

1 See note 4, p. 9.

2 Mekaxvr, see Jewish War, yii. 6, § 1.

16

THE WORKS OP FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XIV.

all the cities that he came to that had been demolished.
So Samaria, Azotus, Scythopolis, Anthedon,’ Raphia, 2 Dora,
Marissa, Gaza, and not a few others were rebuilt. And
as the men acted according to Gabinius’ command, it came
to pass at this time that those cities were safely inhabited,
which had been desolate for a long time.

§ 4. When Gabinius had done thus throughout the
country, he returned to Alexandrium, and as he pressed on
the siege, Alexander sent an embassage to him, desiring
that he would pardon his former offences, and delivering
up to him the fortresses Hvreania and Machaerus, and at
last Alexandrium itself. All these fortresses Gabinius razed
to the ground. And when Alexander’s mother, who was on
the side of the Romans, having her husband and other
children at Rome, came to Gabinius, he granted her what¬
ever she asked ; and when he had settled matters with
her, he restored Hyrcanus to Jerusalem, and committed
the care of the temple to him. And when he had appointed
five councils, he divided the nation into the same number
of parts, and these councils governed the people ; the first
was at Jerusalem, the second at Gadara, the third at
Amathus, 3 the fourth at Jericho, and the fifth at Sepphoris*
in Galilee. So the Jews were now now freed from kingly
rule, and were governed by an aristocracy.

CHAP. VI.

How Gabinius captured Aristobulus after he had fled from
Rome, and sent him bach to Rome again ; also how
Gabinius, as he returned out of Egypt, overcame Alexander
and the Nabatceans in Battle.

§ I-

OW Aristobulus escaped from Rome to Judaea, and

-1 v purposed to rebuild the fortress of Alexandrium,
which had been recently demolished: so Gabinius sent

1 Agrippias, see Antiq. xiii, 13, § 3.

2 Raphia was twenty-two miles S.W. of Gaza; comp. Antiq. xiii. 13,

Hamath, now Hama.

* SefSrieh.

CHAP. VI.] ANTIQUITIES OP THE JEWS. 17

soldiers against him, and Sisenna and Antony and Ser-
vilius as their commanders, to hinder him from making
himself master of the country again, and to recapture
him. For indeed many of the Jews flocked to Aristo-
bulus, on account of his former glory, as also because they
were glad of a revolution. And one Pitholaus, lieutenant-
general at Jerusalem, deserted to him with a thousand
men, although many of those that joined him were un¬
armed. And when Aristobulus resolved to go to Machserus,
he dismissed these, because they were so badly equipped
(for they could not be useful to him in action), but he
took with him about eight thousand that were armed, and
set out. And as the Romans attacked them furiously, the
Jews were beaten in the battle, though they fought valiantly,
and were overcome by the enemy, and put to flight. And
about five thousand of them were slain, and the rest being
dispersed, tried, as well as they were able, to save them¬
selves. However, Aristobulus had with him still above a
thousand, and with them he fled to Machserus, and fortified
the place, and though he had had ill success, he was still
sanguine about his affairs. But when he had held out two
days, and received many wounds, he was captured and
brought before Gabinius, with his son Antigonus, who had
also fled with him from Rome. Such was the fortune of
Aristobulus, who was sent back again to Rome, and there
retained in bonds, having been both king and high priest
for three years and six months, and being indeed a noble
person and one of a lofty soul. However, the senate let
his children go, upon Gabinius’ writing to them that he
had promised their mother so much when she delivered up
the fortresses to him ; and accordingly they then returned
to Judsea.

§ 2. Now when Gabinius was making an expedition
against the Parthians, and had already crossed over the
Euphrates, he changed his mind, and resolved to return
into Egypt, in order to restore Ptolemy to his kingdom. 1
But this has been related elsewhere. However, Antipater

1 This history is best illustrated by Dr. Hudson out of Livy, who
says, “ That A. Gabinius, the procousul, restored Ptolemy to his kingdom
of Egypt, and ejected Archelaus, whom they had set up for king,” &c.
—W.

III.

c

18 THE WORKS OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XIV.

supplied the army which Gabinius despatched against
Archelaus with com and weapons and money. He also
won over those Jews who were beyond Pelusium 1 to be his
confederates, who guarded the passes that led into Egypt.
But when he came back out of Egypt, he found Syria in
disorder sedition and confusion, for Alexander, the sod of
Aristobulus, having seized on the government a second
time by force, made many of the Jews revolt to him, and
marched over the country with a great army, and slew all
the Romans he could light upon, and proceeded to besiege
them at the mountain called Gerizim, 2 where they had
retreated.

§ 3. Now when Gabinius found Syria in this condition, he
sent on Antipater, who was a sensible man, to those that were
rebellious, to try whether he could cure them of their mad¬
ness, and persuade them to return to a better mind. And
when he came to them, he brought many of them to a
sonnd mind, and induced them to do what they ought to
do. But he could not restrain Alexander, for he had an
army of thirty thousand Jews, and met Gabinius, and
joining battle with him, was beaten, and lost ten thousand
of his men near mount Tabor. 3

§ 4. Then Gabinius settled the affairs which belonged to
the city of Jerusalem, as was agreeable to Antipater’s
wishes, and went against the Nabataeans, and overcame
them in battle. He also sent away in a friendly manner
Mithridates and Orsanes, who were Parthian deserters who
had come to him, though the report went abroad that they
had run away from him. And when Gabinius had per¬
formed great and glorious actions in his management of the
war, he returned to Rome, and handed over his province to
Crassus. Now Nicolaus of Damascus, and Strabo of Cap¬
padocia, both describe the expeditions of Pompey and
Gabinius against the Jews, but neither of them say any¬
thing new which is not in the other.

1 Tine A, not far from Port Said.

2 Gerizim lay to the south of the Talley in which Shechem, Nablus,

was situated. 3 Now Jtbel et-Tor.

CHAP. VII.J ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

19

CHAP. VII.

How Crassus went into Judcea, and pillaged the Temple; and
marched against the Parthians, and perished with his army.
Also how Cassius made himself master of Syria, and put a
stop to the incursion of the Parthians, and then went into
Judcea.

§ I-

OW Crassus, as he was going upon his expedition

1 ’ against the Parthians, came into Judsea, and carried
off the money that was in the temple, which Pompey had left
(which amounted to two thousand talents), and was disposed
to spoil it of all the gold belonging to it (which was eight
thousand talents). He also took a beam, which was made
of solid beaten gold, of the weight of three hundred minse.
Now each mina with us weighs two pounds and a half. It
was the priest who was guardian of the sacred treasures,
whose name was Eleazar, who gave him this beam, not out
of a wicked design, for he was a good and righteous man,
but being intrusted with the custody of the veils belonging
to the temple, which were of admirable beauty and of very
costly workmanship, and hung down from this beam, and
seeing that Crassus was bent on getting together money,
and being alarmed for the safety of all the ornaments of
the temple, he gave him this beam of gold as a ransom for
the whole, but not till he had given his oath that he would
remove nothing else out of the temple, but be satisfied with
this only, which he should give him, for it was worth many
ten thousand [shekels]. Now this beam was in a wooden
beam that was hollow, which was not known to anybody
else, for Eleazar alone knew of it. And Crassus took away
this beam, on condition of touching nothing else that be¬
longed to the temple, but afterwards broke his oath, and
carried away all the gold that was in the Holy of Holies.

§ 2. Let no one wonder that there was so much wealth
in our temple, since all the Jews throughout the world,
and those that worshipped God, even in Asia and Europe,
sent their contributions to it, and that from very ancient
times. Nor is the largeness of these sums I have men-

20

THE WORKS OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XIV.

tioned without attestation, nor is it due to our vanity, as
if we had without ground raised it to so great a height:
but there are many witnesses to it, especially Strabo of
Cappadocia, who speaks as follows. “ Mithridates sent to
Cos, 1 and took the money which queen Cleopatra had de¬
posited there, as also eight hundred talents belonging to
the Jews.” Now, we have no public money but what
belongs to God. And it is evident that the Asiatic Jews
removed this money to Cos from fear of Mithridates,
for it is not probable that those in Judsea, who had a
strong city and temple, would send their money to Cos,
nor is it likely that the Jews, who were inhabitants of
Alexandria, would do so either, since they were in no fear
of Mithridates. And the same Strabo himself bears wit¬
ness in another place, that at the time that Sulla passed
over into Greece to fight against Mithridates, he sent
Lucullus to put an end to a disturbance that our nation,
of whom the world is full, had raised in Cyrene, 2 for he
speaks as follows. “ There were four classes of men in
Cyrene; the first composed of citizens, the second of hus¬
bandmen, the third of resident aliens, and the fourth of
Jews. Now these Jews are already got into all cities, and
it is not easy to find a place in the world that has not re¬
ceived this tribe of men, and is not occupied by it. And it
has come to pass that Egypt and Cyrene (as having the
same governors), and a great number of other nations,
imitate their way of living, and especially cherish many
of these Jews, and grow to great prosperity with them,
following the Jewish customs. Accordingly, the Jews have
places assigned them in Egypt to dwell in, besides what is
peculiarly allotted to this nation at Alexandria, which is a
large part of that city. There is also an ethnarch allowed
them, who governs their nation, and dispenses justice, and
sees to their contracts and laws, as if he were the ruler of a
free republic. In Egypt indeed this nation is powerful,
because the Jews were originally Egyptians, and because
the land which they inhabit, since they went thence, is near
to Egypt. They also removed into Cyrene, because that
land adjoins the government of Egypt, as does Judsea, or

1 Now Stanco, an island nearly opposite the gulf of Halicarnassus.

2 el-Krenna, in the Tripoli district, west of Egypt.

CHAP. VII.]

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

21

rather was formerly under the same government.” And
this is what Strabo says.

§ 3. Now when Crassus had settled all things as he him¬
self pleased, he marched into Parthia, where both he him¬
self and all his army perished, as has been related elsewhere.
But Cassius fled to Syria, and made himself master of it,
and stopped the Parthians, who, because of their victory
over Crassus, made incursions into Syria. And he went
again to Tyre, and into Judaea also. And he attacked
Taricheae, 1 and captured it at once, and took about thirty
thousand Jews captives, and slew Pitholaus (who had
imitated Aristobulus in his rebellious practices), at the
instigation of Antipater, who had great influence with him,
and was at that time held in very great repute by the Idu-
mseans also, out of which nation he married a wife, who
was the daughter of one of their eminent men from Arabia,
and her name was Cypros, and he had by her four sons,
Phasaelus, and Herod (who afterwards became a king), and
Joseph, and Pheroras, and one daughter called Salome.
This Antipater cultivated also friendly relations with other
potentates, and especially with the king of Arabia, in whose
charge he placed his children, when he fought against Aris¬
tobulus. And Cassius removed his camp, and pushed on
to the Euphrates, to meet those that were coming to attack
him from that quarter, as has been related by others.

§ 4. But some time afterwards Julius Caesar, when he had
become master of Rome, and when Pompey and the senate
had fled beyond the Ionian sea, freed Aristobulus from
his bonds, and resolved to send him into Syria, and de¬
livered two legions to him, that he might set matters right
in that country, being an influential man. But Aristo¬
bulus had no enjoyment of what he hoped for from the
power that was given him by Caesar, for those of Pompey’s
party were too much for him, and carried him off by poison,
but those of Caesar’s party buried him. His dead body
also lay for a long time embalmed in honey, till Antony
afterwards sent it to Judaea, and caused it to be buried
in the royal sepulchres. And Scipio, upon Pompey’s
sending to him to slay Alexander the son of Aristobulus,

1 Kerak, on the south shore of the Sea of Galilee.

22

THE WORKS OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XIV.

accused the young man of offences he had been guilty of
earlier against the Romans, and cut off his head. And
thus did he die at Antioch ; but Ptolemy, the son of
Mennseus, who was the ruler of Chalcis 1 under Mount
Libanus, welcomed his brothers, and sent his son Philippio
to Ascalon 2 to Aristobulus’ wife, and bade her send back
with him her son Antigonus and her daughters, one of
whom, whose name was Alexandra, Philippio fell in love
with and married. But afterwards his father Ptolemy had
him put to death, and married Alexandra, and continued
to take care of her brothers.

CHAP. VHI.

How the Jews became Confederate with Ccesar when he fought
against Egypt. The glorious Actions of Antipater, and
his Friendship with Ccesar. The Honours which the Jews
received from the Romans and Athenians.

§ 1 -

OW after Pompey was dead, and after the victory

a ' Caesar gained over him, 3 Antipater, who managed the
Jewish affairs by the order of Hyrcanus, became very use¬
ful to Csesar when he made war against Egypt. For when
Mithridates of Pergamus 4 was bringing his auxiliary forces,
and was not able to continue his march by Pelusium, 5 but
was obliged to stay at Ascalon, Antipater went to him
with three thousand armed Jews, and also got the prin¬
cipal men of the Arabians to come to his assistance; and
it was owing to him that all the Syrians joined him also,
being unwilling to appear behindhand in their zeal for Caesar,
viz. Iamblichus the ruler, and Ptolemy his son, who dwelt
at Mount Libanus, and almost all the cities. So Mithri¬
dates marched out of Syria, and came to Pelusium, and as
its inhabitants would not admit him, he besieged the city.
And Antipater distinguished himself here, and was the first

1 Kinnisrin. 2 Ascaldn. 3 At Pharsalia.

4 Bergama, on the west coast of Asia Minor, and north of Smyrna.

5 Ttneh.

23

CHAP. VIII.] ANTIQUITIES OP THE JEWS.

who pulled down a part of the wall, and so opened a way
for the others to enter into the city, and so Pelusium was
taken. Now the Egyptian Jews, who dwelt in the district
of Onias, tried to prevent Antipater and Mithridates and
their soldiers passing over to Caesar, but Antipater per¬
suaded them to come over to his party, because he was of
the same race as them, and especially when he showed
them the letters of Hyrcanus the high priest, wherein he
exhorted them to cultivate friendship with Caesar, and to
supply his army with presents and all things needful.
Accordingly, when they saw that Antipater and the high
priest were of the same sentiments, they did as they were
desired. And when the Jews in the neighbourhood of
Memphis 1 heard that these Jews had come over to Caesar,
they also invited Mithridates to come to them; and he
went and incorporated them also into his army.

§ 2. And when Mithridates had gone over the part called
Delta, 2 he came to a pitched battle with the enemy, near
the place called the Jewish camp. 3 Now Mithridates was
on the right wing, and Antipater on the left; and when
the fight came on, the wing where Mithridates was gave
way, and would have suffered extremely, had not Anti¬
pater come running to him with his own soldiers along
the bank of the river, as he had already beaten the enemy
opposite him; and he delivered Mithridates, and put those
Egyptians to flight who had been too much for him. He
also took their camp, and continued in the pursuit of them,
and called back Mithridates, who had retreated a great
way, and had lost eight hundred soldiers, while Antipater
had lost only forty. And Mithridates wrote an account of
this battle to Caesar, and declared that Antipater was the
author both of the victory and his safety, so that Caesar
commended Antipater then, and made use of him during
all the rest of the war in the most hazardous undertak¬
ings ; indeed he got wounded in some of the engagements.

§ 3. So when Caesar, after some time, had finished the
war, and sailed to Syria, he honoured Antipater greatly,
and confirmed Hyrcanus in the high priesthood, and be-

1 Mitrahamy, on the left bank of the Nile above Cairo.

3 The modern Delta of Egypt, lying north of Cairo.

3 Possibly Tell el- Yehudi.

24 THE WORKS OP FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XIV.

stowed on Antipater the privilege of citizenship of Rome,
and freedom from taxes everywhere. Now it is reported
by many, that Hyrcanus joined Antipater in this expedi¬
tion, and went himself into Egypt. And Strabo of Cappa¬
docia bears me out, when he says as follows on the
authority of Asinius. “ After Mithridates and Hyrcanus
the high priest of the Jews invaded Egypt.” Nay, the
same Strabo says again, in another place, on the authority
of Hypsicrates, that “ Mithridates at first set out alone,
but Antipater, who had the care of Jewish affairs, was
called by him to Ascalon, and mustered three thousand
soldiers for him, and stirred up the other rulers, and
Hyrcanus the high priest also took part in this expedition.”
This is what Strabo says.

§ 4. Now Antigonus, the son of Aristobulus, came at
this time to Caesar, and lamented his father’s fate, and
complained that it was owing to his loyalty to him that
Aristobulus was taken off by poison, and his brother be¬
headed by Scipio, and desired that he would take pity on
him, as he had been ejected from his dominions. He also
accused Hyrcanus and Antipater of governing the nation
by violence, and acting lawlessly to him. Antipater was
present, and made his defence as to the accusations that
were laid against him, and showed that AntigoDus and his
party were given to innovation, and were rebellious persons.
He also reminded Caesar of the labours he had undergone
when he assisted him in his wars, relating what he had
witnessed himself. He added, that Aristobulus was justly
carried away to Rome, as one who was an enemy to the
Romans, and could never be brought to be friendly to
them, and that his brother had only his deserts from
Scipio, being caught in the act of committing' robberies;
and that his punishment was not inflicted on him by way
of violence or injustice by the perpetrator of it.

§ 5. When Antipater had made this speech, Caesar
appointed Hyrcanus to be high priest, and gave Antipater
what position he himself should choose, and left the de¬
termination to himself, so he made him procurator of
Judaea. He also gave Hyrcanus leave to raise up again
the walls of his own city, on his asking that favour of
him, for they had been demolished by Pompey. And

25

CHAP. VIII.] ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

this grant he sent to the consuls at Rome, to be engraven
in the Capitol. The decree of the senate was as follows.'
“ Lucius Valerius (the son of Lucius) the praetor, referred
this to the senate, upon the Ides of December, in the
Temple of Concord. There were present at the writing of
this decree Lucius Coponius (the son of Lucius) of the
Colline tribe, and Papirius of the Quirine tribe, concerning
the affairs which Alexander the son of Jason, and Nu-
menius the son of Antiochus, and Alexander the son of
Dorotheus, ambassadors of the Jews, good men and our
allies, proposed, who came to renew that league of good¬
will and friendship with the Romans which existed before.
They also brought a shield of gold, as a token of the
alliance, valued at fifty thousand pieces of gold ; and de¬
sired that letters might be given them, directed both to
free cities and to kings, that their country and their havens
might be in security, and that no one among them might
receive any injury. It has therefore pleased [the senate]
to make a league of friendship and good-will with them,
and to bestow on them whatever they asked, and to accept
of the shield which was brought by them.” This hap¬
pened in the ninth year of Hyrcanus the high priest and
ethnarch, in the month of Panemus. Hyrcanus also re¬
ceived honours from the people of Athens, as having been
useful to them on many occasions, for they wrote and sent
him a decree as follows. “ Before the president and priest
Dionysius, the son of Asclepiades, on the fifth day of the
latter part of the month of Panemus, this decree of the
Athenians was given to their commanders, when Aga-
thocles was archon, and Eucles (the son of Menander) the

1 Take I)r. Hudson’s note upon this place, which I suppose to be the
truth: “ Here is some mistake in Josephus: for when he had promised
us a decree for the restoration of Jerusalem, he brings in a decree of far
greater antiquity, and that a league of friendship and union only. One
may easily believe that Josephus gave order for one thing, and his
amanuensis performed another, by transposing decrees that concerned
the Hyrcani, and as deluded by the sameness of their names, for that
belongs to the first high priest of this name [John Hyrcanus,] which
Josephus ascribes to one that lived later, [Hyrcanus the son of Alexander
Jannceus.] However, the decree which he proposes to set down follows a
little lower, in the collection of Roman decrees that concerned the Jews,
and is that dated when Caesar was consul the fifth time.” See chap. 10,
§ 5—W.

26 THE WORKS OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XIV.

Alimusian was the scribe. In the month of Munychion, on
the eleventh day of the Prytany, a council of the presidents
was held in the theatre. Dorotheus Erchieus and the
fellow presidents with him put it to the vote of the people.
Dionysius, the son of Dionysius, said: Since Hyrcanus, the
son of Alexander, the high priest and ethnarch of the Jews,
continues to hear good-will to our people in general, and to
every one of our citizens in particular, and treats them
with all sorts of kindness ; and when any of the Athenians
come to him, either as ambassadors, or on any private
business, he receives them in an obliging manner, and
sees that they are conducted back in safety, of which we
have had several previous testimonies, it is now also decreed,
on the motion of Theodosius, the son of Theodorus of
Sunium, 1 who put the people in mind of the virtue of this
man, and that his purpose is to do us all the good that is
in his power, to honour this Hyrcanus with a crown of
gold, the usual reward according to the law, and to erect
his statue in brass in the temple of Demos and of the
Graces; and that this present of a crown shall be pro¬
claimed publicly in the theatre at the Dionysia, while the
new tragedies are acting, and at the Panathenaean, Eleu-
sinian, and gymnastic contests also; and that the com¬
manders shall take care, while he continues in his friend¬
ship, and maintains his good-will to us, to return all
possible honour and favour to the man for his affection
and generosity ; that by this treatment it may appear how
our people receive the good, and repay them by suitable
return; and that he may be induced to continue in his affec¬
tion to us, by the honours we have already paid him. Let
ambassadors be also chosen out of all the Athenians, who
shall carry this decree to him, and desire him to accept of
the honours we pay him, and to endeavour always to be
doing some good to our city.” This much shall suffice as to
the honours that were paid to Hyrcanus by the Romans
and the people of Athens.

1 One of the principal fortresses of Attica, on the promontory now
called Cape Kolonnes.

CHAP. IX.]

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

27

CHAP. IX.

How Antipater committed the care of Galilee to Herod, and
that of Jerusalem to Phasaelus; as also, how Herod, be¬
cause of the Jews’ envy of Antipater, was accused before
Hyrcanus.

§ 1 -

OW when Cassar had settled the affairs of Syria, he

d ’ sailed away; and as soon as he had conducted Csesar
out of Syria, Antipater returned to Judaea, and immediately
raised up the walls which had been thrown down by Pom-
pey, and by his coming pacified the tumult which had been
all over the country, both by threatening and advising
the people to be quiet: for he told them if they would be
on Hyrcanus’ side, they would live happily, and pass their
lives without disturbance in the enjoyment of their own
possessions, but if they were influenced by hopes of what
might come by revolution, and aimed to get gain thereby,
they would find him a despot instead of a mild ruler, and
Hyrcanus a tyrant instead of a king, and the Romans and
Csesar their bitter enemies instead of rulers ; for they would
never bear him to be set aside whom they had appointed to
govern. And when Antipater had said this to them, he
himself set in order the affairs of the country.

§ 2. And seeing that Hyrcanus was of a slow and
sluggish temper, Antipater made Phasaelus, his eldest
son, governor of Jerusalem and the places in its vicinity,
and committed Galilee to Herod, his next son, who was
then quite a young man, for he was but twenty-five years
of age. But that youth of his was no impediment to him ;
but as he was a young man of noble spirit, he soon met
with an opportunity of showing his courage. For finding
that there was one Ezekias, a captain of a band of robbers,
who overran the neighbouring parts of Syria with a great
troop of them, he took him, and slew him, as well as a
great number of the robbers that were with him. For this
action he was greatly beloved by the Syrians, for they were
very desirous to have their country freed from this nest of
robbers, and he purged it of them: so they sung songs in

28 THE WORKS OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XIV.

his commendation in their villages and cities, for his having
procured them peace, and the secure enjoyment of their
possessions. And on account of this he became known to
Sextus Csesar, who was a relation of the great Caesar’s, and
was now procurator of Syria. Now Phasaelus, Herod s
brother, was moved with emulation at his actions, and
envied the fame he had thereby got, and became ambitious
not to be behind him in deserving the same, so he
made the inhabitants of Jerusalem bear him the greatest
good-will, as he governed the city himself, but did neither
manage its affairs improperly, nor abuse his authority
therein. This conduct procured to Antipater from the
nation such respect as is due to kings, and such honours
as he might partake of if he were absolute lord of the
country. Yet did not this splendour of his, as frequently
happens, diminish in the least in him his kindness and
good faith to Hyrcanus.

§ 3. But now the principal men among the Jews, when
they saw Antipater and his sons growing so much in the
good-will of the nation, and in the revenues which they
received from Judsea and from Hyrcanus’ own wealth,
became ill disposed to him. And indeed Antipater had
contracted a friendship with the Roman emperors, and
he had prevailed on Hyrcanus to send them money, but
took it himself, and appropriated the intended present, and
sent it as if it were his own, and not Hyrcanus’, gift to
them. Hyrcanus heard of this but took no heed to it:
nay rather he was very glad of it: but the chief men of
the Jews were in fear, because they saw that Herod was a
violent and bold man, and very desirous to play the tyrant,
so they went to Hyrcanus, and now accused Antipater
openly, and said to him, “ How long wilt thou be quiet
under such actions as are now done P Or dost thou not
see that Antipater and his sons have already girded them¬
selves with power ? and that it is only the name of a king
which is given thee ? But do not thou suffer these things
to be hidden from thee, nor think to escape danger by being
so careless about thyself and the kingdom. For Anti¬
pater and his sons are not now stewards of thine affairs:
do not deceive thyself with such a notion, they are evidently
absolute lords, for Antipater’s son Herod has slain Ezekias

CHAP. IX.]

ANTIQUITIES OP THE JEWS.

29

and those that were with him, and has thereby trans¬
gressed our law, which has forbidden to slay any man,
even though he were a wicked man, unless he had been first
condemned to suffer death by the sanhedrim; 1 yet has he
ventured to do this without any authority from thee.”

§ 4. Upon Hyrcanus hearing this, he listened to it, and
the mothers also of those that had been slain by Herod
fanned his indignation ; for every day in the temple they
continued to beseech the king and the people, that Herod
might undergo a trial before the sanhedrim for what he
had done. And Hyrcanus was so moved by all this, that he
summoned Herod to come to his trial, for what was charged
against him. Accordingly he came, but his father advised
him not to come like a private man, but with a body-guard
for the security of his person; and when he had settled
the affairs of Galilee in the best manner he could for his
own advantage, to come for his trial, but still with a
body of men sufficient for his security on the journey, yet
not with so great a force as might look formidable to
Hyrcanus, but still such a one as might not expose him
naked and unguarded [to his enemies]. However, Sextus
Csesar, governor of Syria, wrote to Hyrcanus, and desired
him to discharge Herod from trial, and threatened him
also if he did not do so. And this letter of his was
the cause of Hyrcanus’ delivering Herod from suffering
any harm from the sanhedrim, for he loved him as his
own son. But when Herod stood before the sanhedrim
with his band of men about him, he frightened them all,
and none of his former accusers durst after that bring any
charge against him, but there was a deep silence, and no¬
body knew what was to be done. When things were in this
posture, one whose name was Sameas, a righteous man and
for that reason above all fear, rose up, and said, “ O king
and members of the sanhedrim, neither have I ever myself

1 It is here worth our while to remark, that none could be put to
death in Judsea, but by the approbation of the Jewish sanhedrim, there
being an excellent provision in the law of Moses, that even in criminal
causes, and particularly where life was concerned, an appeal should lie
from the lesser councils of seven in the other cities, to the supreme
council of seventy-one at Jerusalem. And this is exactly according to
our Saviour’s words, when he says, “ It could not be that a prophet
should perish out of Jerusalem.” Luke xiii. 33.—W.

30 THE WORKS OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XIV.

known such a case, nor do I suppose that any one of you
can name its parallel, that one who is called to take his
trial by us ever stood in such a manner before us; but
every one, whoever he be, that comes to be tried by this
sanhedrim, presents himself in a submissive manner, and
like one that is in fear, and endeavours to move us to com¬
passion, with his hair dishevelled, and in a black mourning
garment: but this most excellent Herod, who is accused of
murder, and called to answer so heavy an accusation, stands
here clothed in purple, and with the hair of his head finely
trimmed, and with aimed men about him, that if we shall
condemn him by our law, he may slay us, and by being too
strong for justice may himself escape death. Yet I do not
blame Herod for this, if he is more concerned for himself
than for the laws; but I blame you and the king, who
give him license to do so. However, know that God is
great, and that this very man, whom you wish to let go
for the sake of Hyrcanus, will one day punish both you and
the king himself also.” Nor was Sameas wrong in any
part of this prediction ; for when Herod had got the king¬
dom, he slew Hyrcanus and all the members of this san¬
hedrim except Sameas, for he honoured him highly on
account of his uprightness, and because, when the city
was afterwards besieged by Herod and Sosius, he advised
the people to admit Herod into it; and told them that for
their sins they would not be able to escape him. About all
this I shall speak in its proper place.

§ 5. Now when Hyrcanus saw that the members of the
sanhedrim were ready to pronounce sentence of death
upon Herod, he put off the trial to another day, and sent
privately to Herod, and advised him to flee from the city,
for by that means he might escape from danger. So he
retired to Damascus, as though he fled from the king : and
when he had gone to Sextus Caesar, and had put his own
affairs in a sure posture, he resolved, if he were again
summoned before the sanhedrim to take his trial, not to
obey the summons. Thereupon the members of the san¬
hedrim felt great indignation, and endeavoured to per¬
suade Hyrcanus that all these things were against him.
He was not ignorant that this was the case, but he was so
unmanly and foolish, that he was able to do nothing at

CHAP. X.]

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

31

all. And when Sextus made Herod general of the army of
Coele-Syria, for he sold him that post for money, Hyrcanus
was afraid that Herod would make war upon him; nor
was the effect of what he feared long in coming upon him,
for Herod came with an army to fight against Hyrcanus,
being angry at the trial he had been summoned to un¬
dergo before the sanhedrim ; but his father Antipater, and
his brother [Phasaelus], met him, and hindered him from
assaulting Jerusalem. They also tried to pacify his vehement
temper, and begged him to do no overt action, but only
to frighten by threatening, and to proceed no further
against one who had given him the dignity he had ; they
also desired him, if he was vexed that he was summoned
and obliged to come to his trial, to remember also how
he was dismissed without condemnation, and to be grate¬
ful for that, and not to regard only what was disagreeable
to him, and so be unthankful for his deliverance. They
desired him also to consider, since it is God that turns
the scales of war, that there is great uncertainty in the
issues of battles, and therefore he ought not to expect
the victory, when fighting against his king and comrade,
who had bestowed many benefits upon him, and had done
nothing severe to him, for his accusation, which was
owing to evil counsellors and not to Hyrcanus, had rather
the suggestion and semblance of severity, than anything
really severe in it. Herod listened to these argu¬
ments, and believed that it was sufficient for his future
hopes to have made a show of his strength before the
nation, and to have done nothing more. Such was the
state of affairs in Judaea at this time.

CHAP. X.

The Honours that were paid the Jews; and the Alliances
that were made by the Romans, and other Nations, with
them.

§ I-

N OW when Caesar had returned to Rome, he was on
the eve of sailing for Africa to fight against Scipio and
Cato, when Hyrcanus sent to him, and besought him to

32 THE WORKS OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XIV.

ratify the league of friendship and mutual alliance which
was between them. And it seems to me to be necessary
here to give an account of all the honours that the Romans
and their emperors paid to our nation, and of the alliances
they made with it, that all mankind may know what
regard the kings of Asia and Europe have had to us, and
that they have been abundantly satisfied with our courage
and fidelity. Now since many owing to hostility to us do
not believe what has been written about us by the Per¬
sians and Macedonians, because those writings are not
everywhere to be met with, and are not stored up in public
places, but are only among ourselves and certain other
barbarous nations, while no one can gainsay the decrees
of the Romans (for they are laid up in the public places
of the cities, and are extant still in the Capitol, and en¬
graven upon pillars of brass; moreover, Julius Caesar made
a pillar of brass for the Jews of Alexandria, and declared
publicly that they were citizens of Alexandria), from these
evidences I shall prove what I say. I shall also set down
the decrees made both by the senate and Julius Caesar,
which relate to Hyrcanus and to our nation.

§ 2. “Caius Julius Caesar, imperator, pontifex maximus,
and dictator the second time, to the magistrates, senate, and
people of Sidon, greeting. If you be in health, it is well. I
also and the army are well. I have sent you a copy of the
decree, registered on the tablet, which concerns Hyrcanus
(the son of Alexander) the high priest and ethnarch of the
Jews, that it may be laid up among the public records;
and I will that it be engraved on a tablet of brass both in
Greek and Latin. It is as follows. I Julius Csesar, im¬
perator the second time, and pontifex maximus, have
made this decree with the approbation of the senate.
Whereas Hyrcanus (the son of Alexander) the Jew, has
demonstrated his fidelity and diligence in our affairs both
now and in former times, both in peace and in war, as
many of our generals have borne him witness, and came
to our assistance in the last Alexandrian war with fifteen
hundred soldiers, and when he was sent by me to Mithri-
dates, showed himself superior in valour to all in the
army, for these reasons I will that Hyrcanus the son
of Alexander, and his children, be ethnarchs of the Jews,

CHAP. X.]

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

33

and have the high priesthood of the Jews for ever accord¬
ing to the customs of their forefathers, and that he and
his sons be our allies, and besides this that every one of
them be reckoned among our particular friends. I also
ordain that he and his children retain whatever privileges
belong by their laws to the office of high priest, or what¬
ever favours have been hitherto conceded to them. And
if at any time hereafter there arise any questions about
the Jewish customs, I will that he determine the same.
And I do not approve of their being obliged to find us
winter quarters, or of any money being required of them.”

§ 3. “The decrees of Caius Caesar, consul, containing
what has been granted and determined, are as follows.
That Hyrcanus and his sons bear rule over the nation of
the Jews, and have the profits of the places granted to them,
and that Hyrcanus himself, as high priest and ethnarch of
the Jews, defend those that are injured. And that ambas¬
sadors be sent to Hyrcanus (the son of Alexander) the
high priest of the Jews, to discourse with him about a
league of friendship and alliance, and that a tablet of
brass, containing all this, be openly set up in the Capitol,
and at Sidon and Tyre and Ascalon, and in the temples,
engraven in Roman and Greek letters: and that this
decree be communicated to the quaestors and praetors of the
several cities, and to the friends of the Jews: and that the
ambassadors have presents made them, and that these
decrees be sent everywhere.”

§ 4. “ Caius Caesar, imperator, dictator, and consul, has
granted, out of regard to the honour and virtue and kind¬
ness of the man, and for the advantage of the senate and
people of Rome, that Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander,
both he and his sons, be high priests and priests of Jeru¬
salem and the Jewish nation, by the same right, and
according to the same laws, by which their progenitors
have held the priesthood.”

§ 5. “ Caius Caesar, consul the fifth time, has decreed,
that the Jews may keep Jerusalem, and fortify that city;
and that Hyrcanus (the son of Alexander), the high priest
and ethnarch of the Jews, occupy it as he himself pleases ;
and that the Jews be allowed to deduct out of their
tribute every second year the land is let a cor of the tribute,

III. d

34 THE WORKS OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XIV.

and that the tribute they pay be not let to farm, and that
they pay not always the same tribute.”

§ 6. “ Caius Caesar, imperator the second time, has
ordained, that all the country of the Jews, except Joppa,
pay tribute for the city of Jerusalem every year except the
seventh year, which they call the sabbatical year, because
therein they neither receive the fruit of their trees, nor do
they sow their land; and that they pay as their tribute in
Sidon in the second year, the fourth part of what was
sown : and besides this, they are to pay the same tithes to
Hyrcanus and his sons, as they paid to their forefathers.
And no one, either governor, or general, or ambassador,
may raise auxiliaries within the bounds of Judaea, nor
may soldiers exact money of them for winter quarters, or
on any other pretext, but they are to be free from all
sorts of injuries: and whatever they shall hereafter have,
or get possession of, or buy, they shall retain. It is also
our pleasure that the city of Joppa, which the Jews
had originally, when they made a league of friendship
with the Romans, shall belong to them, as it formerly
did; and that Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, and his
sons, shall have as tribute for that city from those that
occupy the land, for the country and for what they export
every year to Sidon, twenty thousand six hundred and
seventy-five modii every year, except the seventh year,
which they call the sabbatical year, wherein they neither
plough nor take the fruit off their trees. It is also the
pleasure of the senate, as to the villages which are in the
great plain, which Hyrcanus and his forefathers formerly
possessed, that Hyrcanus and the Jews have them with
the same privileges with which they formerly had them,
and that the same original ordinances remain still in force
which concern the Jews with regard to their high priests
and priests, and that they enjoy the same benefits which
they formerly had by the concession of the people and
senate. And let them enjoy the like privileges at Lydda.
It is the pleasure also of the senate, that Hyrcanus the
ethnarch, and the Jews, retain those places, lands, and
farm-steads, which belonged to the kings of Syria and
Phoenicia, the allies of the Romans, and which they had
bestowed on them as their free gift. It is also granted to

CHAP. X.]

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

35

Hyrcanus, and to his sons, and to the ambassadors sent
by them to us, that in the fights between gladiators,
and in those with wild beasts, they shall sit among the
senators to see those shows, and when they desire an
audience, they shall be introduced to the senate by the
dictator or master of the horse, and when they have in¬
troduced them, answers shall be returned them in ten
days at the latest, after the decree of the senate is made.”

§ 7. “ Caius Caesar, imperator [dictator] the fourth time,
and consul the fifth time, declared to be perpetual dictator,
made the following speech concerning the rights and privi¬
leges of Hyrcanus (the son of Alexander), the high priest
and ethnarch of the Jews. ‘ Since those imperators 1 who
have been in the provinces before me have borne witness to
Hyrcanus, the high priest of the Jews, and to the Jews them¬
selves, and that before the senate and people of Rome, when
the people and senate returned their thanks to them, it is
good that we now also remember the same, and provide that
a requital be made to Hyrcanus, to the nation of the Jews,
and to the sons of Hyrcanus, by the senate and people of
Rome, and that suitably to the good-will they have shown
us, and to the benefits they have bestowed upon us.’ ”

§ 8. “ Julius Caius, praetor, consul of Rome, to the magis¬
trates, senate, and people of the Parians, greeting. The
Jews of Delos, 2 and some other Jews that sojourn there,
signified to us, in the presence of your ambassadors, that
you forbid them by a decree of yours to follow the cus¬
toms of their forefathers and their sacred rites. Now
it does not please me that such decrees should be made
against our friends and allies, whereby they are for¬
bidden to live according to their own customs, or to bring
in contributions for common suppers and sacrifices, since
they are not forbidden to do so even at Rome itself. For

1 Dr. Hudson justly supposes, that the Homan imperators, or generals
of armies, both here and § 2, who gave testimony to Hyrcanus’ and
the Jews faithfulness and good-will to the Romans before the senate
and people of Rome, were principally Pompey, Scaurus, and Gabinius;
of all whom Josephus has already given us the history, as far as the
Jews were concerned with them.— W.

2 The well-known island, birthplace of Apollo and Artemis, on which
was the celebrated Temple of Apollo, raised by the common contribution
of the Greek States.

36

THE WORKS OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XIV,

even Caius Caesar, our imperator and consul, in the decree
wherein he forbade other companies to meet in the city, did
yet permit the Jews, and them only, both to bring in their
contributions, and to make their common suppers. Accor¬
dingly, though I forbid other companies, I permit these
Jews to gather themselves together, according to the
customs and laws of their forefathers, and to continue
therein. It will therefore be good for you, if you have
made any decree against these our friends and allies, to
abrogate the same, because of their virtue and good-will
towards us.”

§ 9. Now after Caius Caesar was slain, when Marcus An-
tonius and Publius Dolabella were consuls, they assembled
the senate, and introduced Hyrcanus’ ambassadors into it,
and discussed what they desired, and made a league of
friendship with them. The senate also decreed to grant
them all they desired. I add the decree itself, that those
who read the present work may have at hand a proof of
the truth of what I say. The decree was as follows.

§ 10. The decree of the senate copied out of the trea¬
sury from the public tablets belonging to the quaestors,
when Quintus Rutilius and Caius Cornelius were city
quaestors, and taken from the second tablet of the first
class. “ On the third day before the Ides of April, there
were present in the temple of Concord, at the writing of this
decree, Lucius Calpumius Piso of the Menenian tribe, Ser-
vius Papinius Potitus of the Lemonian tribe, Caius Caninius
Rebilius of the Terentine tribe, Publius Tidetius, Lucius
Apulinus (the son of Lucius) of the Sergian tribe, Flavius
(the son of Lucius) of the Lemonian tribe, Publius Platius
(the son of Publius) of the Papirian tribe, Marcus Acilius
(the son of Marcus) of the Mecian tribe, Lucius Erucius
(the son of Lucius) of the Stellatine tribe, Marcus Quintus
Plancillus (the son of Marcus) of the Pollian trihe, and
Publius Serius. Publius Dolabella, and Marcus Antonius,
the consuls, drew it up. As to those things which, by the
decree of the senate, Caius Caesar had determined about the
Jews, and yet had not hitherto had that decree brought into
the treasury, it is our will, as it is also the desire of Publius
Dolabella and Marcus Antonius, our consuls, to have those
decrees put on the public tablets, and brought to the city

CHAP. X.]

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

37

quaestors, that they may take care to have them put upon
the double tablets. This was done in the temple of Con¬
cord the fifth day before the Ides of February. Now the
ambassadors from Hyrcanus the high priest were these,
Lysimachus the son of Pausanias, Alexander the son of
Theodorus, Patroclus the son of Chaereas, and Jonathan
the son of Onias.”

§ 11. Hyrcanus also sent one of these ambassadors to
Dolabella, who was then the governor of Asia, beseeching
him to dismiss the Jews from military service, and to pre¬
serve to them the customs of their forefathers, and to per¬
mit them to live according to them. And when Dolabella
had received Hyrcanus’ letter, he sent without any further
deliberation a letter to all in Asia, and to the city of the
Ephesians (the metropolis of Asia), about the Jews, a copy
of which here follows.

§ 12. “ In the Presidency of Artemon, on the first day of
the month Lenseon, Dolabella, imperator, to the senate and
magistrates and people of the Ephesians sends greeting.
Alexander the son of Theodorus, the ambassador of Hyr¬
canus (the son of Alexander), the high priest andethnarch
of the Jews, has shown to me that his countrymen cannot
go into the army, because they are not allowed to bear
arms or to travel on the Sabbath-days, nor to procure
themselves then those sorts of food which they have been
used to eat from the times of their forefathers. I do there¬
fore grant them exemption from going into the army, as
the governors before me have done, and permit them to use
the customs of their forefathers, in assembling together for
sacred and religious purposes, as their law requires, and
for collecting oblations necessary for sacrifices: and my
will is, that you write this to the several cities under your
jurisdiction.”

§ 13. Such were the concessions that Dolabella made to
our nation when Hyrcanus sent an embassage to him. And
Lucius Lentulus,the consul, said : “I have at my tribunal
exempted those Jews, who are citizens of Rome, and follow
the Jewish religious rites and perform them at Ephesus,
from going into the army, on account of their religious
scruples, on the twelfth day before the Calends of October,
in the consulship of Lucius Lentulus and Caius Marcellus.

38 THE WOKKS OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XIV.

There were present Titus Appius Balgus (the son of Titus),
lieutenant of the Horatian tribe, Titus Tongius (the son of
Titus), of the Crustumine tribe, Quintus Raesius, the son
of Quintus, Titus Pompeius Longinus, the son of Titus,
Caius Servilius (the son of Caius), of the Terentine tribe,
Bracehus the military tribune, Publius Clusius Gallus (the
son of Publius), of the Yeturian tribe, and Caius Sentius
(the son of Caius), of the Sabatine tribe. Titus Appius
Bulbus, the son of Titus, lieutenant and pro-prsetor, to the
magistrates, senate, and people of the Ephesians, greeting.
Lucius Lentulus the consul exempted the Jews that are in
Asia from going into the army in consequence of my inter¬
cession for them. And when I made the same petition
some time afterwards to Phanius the propraetor and to
Lucius Antonius the pro-qutestor, I obtained that privi¬
lege of them also ; and my will is, that you take care that
no one give them any trouble.”

§ 14. The decree of the Delians. “ The answer of the
praetors, when Boeotus was archon, on the twentieth day of
the month Thargelion. When Marcus Piso the lieutenant
lived in our city, who was also appointed head of the re¬
cruiting of soldiers, he called us and many others of the
citizens, and gave order, if there were here any Jews who
were Roman citizens, that no one was to trouble them about
going into the army, because Cornelius Lentulus, the consul,
freed the Jews from going into the army on account of
their religious scruples. You are therefore obliged to
submit to the praetor.” And the like decree was made by
the Sardians also about us.

§ 15. “ Caius Phanius, the son of Caius, imperator and
consul, to the magistrates of Cos greeting. I would have
you know that the ambassadors of the Jews have been with
me, and desired they might have those decrees which the
senate had made about them ; which decrees are here sub¬
joined. My will is that you take care of and see to these
men, according to the senate’s decree, that they may be
safely conveyed home through your country.”

§16. The declaration of Lucius Lentulus the consul: “I
have dismissed those Jews who are Roman citizens, and
who appeared to me to have their religious rites, and to
practise them at Ephesus, on account of their religious

CHAP. X.]

ANTIQUITIES OP THE JEWS.

39

scruples. This was done the thirteenth day before the
Calends of October.”

§ 17. “ Lucius Antonius, the son of Marcus, pro-quasstor,
and pro-prsetor, to the magistrates, senate, and people of
the Sardians, greeting. Those Jews that were our citizens
came to me, and showed that they had an assembly of their
own according to the laws of their forefathers, and that
from the beginning, as also a place of their own, wherein
they determined their suits and controversies with one an¬
other: upon their petition therefore to me, that these
might be lawful for them, I gave order for their privileges
to be preserved and permitted.”

§ 18. The declaration of Marcus Publius, the son of
Spurius, and of Marcus the son of Marcus, and of Lucius
the son of Publius. “We went to the pro-consul Lentulus,
and informed him of what Dositheus, the son of Cleopat-
rides, of Alexandria desired, that, if he thought good, he
would dismiss those Jews who were Roman citizens, and
were wont to observe the rites of the Jewish religion, on
account of their religious scruples. Accordingly, he did
dismiss them, on the thirteenth day before the Calends of
October.”

§ 19. “ In the month Quintilis, when Lucius Lentulus
and Caius Marcellus were consuls, there were present Titus
Appius Balbus, the son of Titus, lieutenant of the Horatian
tribe, Titus Tongius of the Crustumine tribe, Quintus Rsesius
the son of Quintus, Titus Pompeius the son of Titus, Cornelius
Longinus, Caius Servilius Bracchus (the son of Caius) mili¬
tary tribune, of the Terentine tribe, Publius Clusius Callus
(the son of Publius) of the Veturian tribe, Caius Teutius (the
son of Caius) military tribune, of the Ahnilian tribe, Sextus
Atilius Serranus (the son of Sextus) of the iEsquiline tribe,
Caius Pompeius (the son of Caius) of the Sabatine tribe,
Titus Appius Menander the son of Titus, Publius Servilius
Strabo the son of Publius, Lucius Paccius Capito (the son
of Lucius) of the Colline tribe, Aulus Furius Tertius the
son of Aulus, and Appius Menas. In the presence of these
Lentulus pronounced the following decree: I have before
my tribunal dismissed those Jews that are Roman citizens,
and are accustomed to observe the sacred rites of the Jews
at Ephesus, on account of their religious scruples.”

40 THE WORKS OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XIV.

§ 20. “ The magistrates of the Laodicean s send greeting
to Caius Rabilius (the son of Caius) the consul. Sopater
the ambassador of Hyrcanus the high priest, has delivered
us a letter from thee, whereby he lets us know that cer¬
tain persons came from Hyrcanus the high priest of the
Jews, and brought a letter written concerning their nation,
wherein they desired that the Jews might be allowed to
observe their Sabbaths, and other sacred rites, according to
the laws of their forefathers, and that no one might lord it
over them, because they were our friends and allies, or in¬
jure them in our province. Now although the Trallians
there present replied that they were not pleased with these
decrees, yet didst thou give order that they should be
observed, and informedst us that thou wast desired to
write this to us about them. We therefore, in obedience
to the injunctions we have received from thee, have received
the letter which thou sentest us, and have laid it up apart
among our public records. As to the other things about
which thou didst send to us, we will take care that no com¬
plaint be made against us.”

§ 21. “ Publius Servilius G-alba (the son of Publius), pro-
consul, to the magistrates, senate, and people of the Mile¬
sians, sendeth greeting. Prytanis (the son of Hermes) a
citizen of yours, came to me when I was at Tralles 1 and
held a court there, and informed me that you used the
Jews in a way different to our orders, and forbade them to
celebrate their Sabbaths, and to perform the sacred rites
received from their forefathers, and to manage the fruits
of the land according to their ancient custom, and that he
himself had promulgated the decree according to the laws.
I would therefore have you know, that upon hearing the
pleadings on both sides, I gave sentence that the Jews
should not be prohibited, to use their own customs.”

§ 22. The decree of the people of Pergamus. 2 “ When
Cratippus was Prytanis, on the first day of the month
Daesius, the decree of the praetors was as follows. Since
the Romans, following the conduct of their ancestors, un¬
dertake dangers for the common safety of all mankind, and

1 Near Aidin, in the valley of the Mseander, on the west coast of
Asia Minor.

2 Bergama.

CHAP. X.]

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

41

are ambitious to settle their allies and friends in happiness
and firm peace ; and since the nation of the Jews, and their
high priest Hyrcanus, sent as ambassadors to them Strato
the son of Theodotus, and Apollonius the son of Alexander,
and iEneas the son of Antipater, and Aristobulus the son
of Amyntas, and Sosipater the son of Philip, all worthy
and good men, who gave a particular account of their
affairs, the senate thereupon passed a decree as to what
they asked of them, that Antiochus the king, the son of
Antiochus, should do no injury to the Jews, the allies of
the Romans ; and that the fortresses and havens and ter¬
ritory, and whatever else he had taken from them, should
be restored; and that it should be lawful for them to ex¬
port their goods out of their own havens : and that no
king or people should have leave to export any goods, either
from the country of Judaea or from their havens, without
paying customs, except Ptolemy the king of Alexandria,
because he is our ally and friend; ana that according
to their desire, the garrison that was in Joppa should be
expelled. Now Lucius Pettius, one of our senators, a worthy
and good man, gave order that we should take care that
these things should be done according to the senate’s de¬
cree ; and that we should take care also that the Jewish am¬
bassadors might return home in safety. And we admitted
Theodorus into our senate and assembly, and took the letter
from him as well as the decree of the senate; and as he
discoursed with great earnestness, and described Hyrcanus’
■virtue and generosity, and how he was a benefactor to all
men in common, and to everybody that came to him in
particular, we laid up the letter in our public records, and
made a decree ourselves, since we also were allies of the
Romans, that we would do everything we could for the Jews
according to the senate’s decree. Theodorus also, who
brought the letter, asked of our praetors, that they would
send Hyrcanus a copy of that decree, as also ambassadors
to signify to him the affection of our people to him, and to
exhort him to preserve and augment his friendship with
us, and to be ready to bestow other benefits upon us, as
we reasonably expected to receive a fit return, remem¬
bering that our ancestors were friendly to the Jews even
in the days of Abraham, who was the father of all the

42 THE WORKS OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XIV:

Hebrews, as we have found it set down in our public
records.”

23. The decree of the Halicarnassians. 1 “ Before Meninon
the priest, the son of Orestides by descent, but of Euony-
mus by adoption, on the * * * day of the month Anthes-
terion, the decree of the people, upon the motion of Marcus
Alexander, was as follows. Since we have ever a great re¬
gard to piety towards God and to holiness, following the
people of the Romans, who are the benefactors of all men,
and what they have written to us about a league of friend¬
ship and alliance between the Jews and our city, that their
sacred rites and accustomed feasts and assemblies may be
observed by them; we have decreed, that as many men
and women of the Jews as wish to do so may celebrate their
Sabbaths, and perform their holy rites, according to the
Jewish laws, and have their places of prayer by the sea¬
side, according to the customs of their forefathers ; and if
any one, whether a magistrate or private person, hinders
them from so doing, he shall be liable to a fine, to be
paid to the city.”

§ 24. The decree of the Sardians. 2 “This decree was
made by the senate and people, upon the representation of
the praetors. Whereas those Jews, who are our fellow-
citizens, and live in our city, have ever had great benefits
heaped upon them by the people, and have come now to
the senate, and requested of the people that, upon the re¬
stitution of their laws and liberty by the senate and people
of Rome, they may assemble together according to their
ancient customs, and that we will not bring any suit
against them about it; and that a place may be given them
where they may hold their congregations with their wives
and children, and may offer, as their forefathers did, their
prayers and sacrifices to God ; the senate and people have
decreed to permit them to assemble together on the
days formerly appointed, and to act according to their own
laws ; and that such a place be set apart for them by the
praetors for a building and habitation, as they shall esteem

1 The people of Halicarnassus, now Btidr&m, on the S.W. coast of
Asia Minor.

2 The people of Sardis, now Sari, in the valley of the Hermus, on the
west coast of Asia Minor.

CHAP. X.}

ANTIQUITIES OP THE JEWS.

43

fit for that purpose. And let those that see to provisions
for the city, take care that such sorts of food as they shall
esteem fit for their eating, may be introduced into the
city.”

§ 25. The decree of the Ephesians. “ When Menophilus
was Prytanis, on the first day of the month Artemisius,
this decree was made by the people. Nicanor, the son of
Euphemus, pronounced it, upon the motion of the praetors.
As the Jews that dwell in this city petitioned Marcus
Julius Pompeius (the son of Brutus) the pro-consul, that
they might be allowed to observe their Sabbaths, and to
act in all things according to the customs of their fore¬
fathers, without impediment from anybody, the praetor
granted their petition. So it was decreed by the senate and
people, as the affair concerned the Romans, that none of
them should be hindered from keeping the Sabbath-day,
nor be fined for so doing, but that they should be allowed
to do all things according to their own laws.”

§ 26. Now there are many other such decrees of the
senate and imperators of the Romans, made in favour of
Hyrcanus and our nation, and decrees for cities, and re¬
scripts of the praetors to such letters as concerned our
rights and privileges: and certainly such as are not ill
disposed to what I write, may believe that they are all to
this purpose, from the specimens which I have inserted.
For as I have produced evident marks that may still be
seen of the friendship we have had with the Romans, and
shown that those marks are engraven upon pillars and
tablets of brass in the Capitol, that are still in existence and
will be so, I have omitted to set them all down as needless
and disagreeable; for I cannot suppose any one so perverse
as not to believe that we have had friendship with the
Romans, since they have demonstrated the same by such
a great number of their decrees relating to us, or to doubt
of our fidelity as to the rest of those decrees, since I have
shown a sample. I have now sufficiently set forth the
friendship and alliance we had in those times with the
Romans.

44

THE WORKS OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XIV.

CHAP. XI.

How Murcus succeeded Sextus, when he had been slain by
Bassus’ treachery; and how, after the death of Gcesar,
Cassius came into Syria, and distressed Judcea; as also,
how Malichus slew Antipater, and was himself slain by
Herod.

§ I-

OW it so fell out about this very time that the affairs

v of Syria were in great disorder on the following
account. Cseeilius Bassus, one of Pompey’s party, conspired
against Sextus Caesar, and slew him, and then took his
army, and got the management of public affairs into his
own hand ; so that there arose a great war about Apamea, 1
for Caesar’s generals came against him with an army of
horse and foot. Antipater also sent succours with his sons
to them, calling to mind the kindnesses he had received
from Caesar, and so he thought it but just to require
punishment for him, and to take vengeance on the man
that had murdered him. And as the war lasted a great
time, Murcus came from Rome to take Sextus’ command,
and Caesar was slain bv Cassius and Brutus and the other
conspirators in the senate-house, after he had ruled three
years and six months. This is however related elsewhere.

§ 2. As the war that arose upon the death of Caesar was
now begun, and the principal men all went, some one way,
some another, to raise armies, Cassius went from Rome
into Syria, to take the command of the army at Apamea,
and having raised the siege, he won over both Bassus and
Murcus to his party. He then visited the various cities,
and got together weapons and soldiers, and laid great taxes
upon the cities, and especially oppressed Judaea, exacting
from it seven hundred talents. But Antipater, when he saw
that affairs were in such great confusion and disorder,
divided the collection of that sum, and appointed his two
sons to gather some of it, and part of it was to be exacted
by Malichus, who was ill disposed to him, and part by

1 KaVat el-Medyk.

CHAP. XI.]

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

45

others. And because Herod did exact what was required
of him from Galilee before all others, he was in the greatest
favour with Cassius ; for he thought it prudent to cultivate
a friendship with the Romans, and to gain their good-will
at the expense of others; whereas the rulers of the other
cities, with all the citizens, were sold for slaves; and
Cassius reduced four cities to slavery, the two most impor¬
tant of which were Gophna 1 and Ernmaus, 2 and besides
them Lydda 3 and Thamna. 4 Hay, Cassius was so very
angry at Malichus, that he would have hilled him (for he
was mad at him), had not Hyrcanus sent him by Antipater
a hundred talents of his own, and so pacified his anger
against him.

§ 6. But after Cassius had gone from Judaea, Malichus
conspired against Antipater, thinking his death would be
for the security of Hyrcanus’ power; but his design was
not unknown to Antipater, who, when he perceived it,
retired beyond the Jordan, and got together an army,
partly of Arabs, and partly of his own countrymen. How¬
ever, Malichus, being a crafty fellow, denied that he had
laid any snares for him, and made his defence with an
oath both to him and his sons, and said, that as Phasaelus
had the garrison in Jerusalem, and Herod had the weapons
of war in his custody, he could never have thought of any
such thing. So Antipater, perceiving the distress that
Malichus was in, was reconciled to him, and made an
agreement with him when Murcus was praetor of Syria,
who perceiving that this Malichus was raising disturbances
in Judaea, very nearly had him killed, but at the interces¬
sion of Antipater he saved his life.

§ 4. However, Antipater little thought that in Malichus
he had saved his own murderer. For when Cassius and
Murcus had got together an army, they intrusted the
entire care of it to Herod, and made him general of the
forces of Coele-Syria, and gave him a fleet of ships, and an
army of horse and foot; and promised him, after the war
was over, to make him king of Judaea, for war was already
begun between them and Antony and the young Caesar. 4

1 Jifna, N.W. of Beitin, Bethel. 2 ’Amwas. 3 Ludd.

* Now Tibneh; see Antiq. v. 1, § 29; xiv. 11, § 12.

5 Octavius, afterwards the Emperor Augustus.

46

THE WOBKS OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XIV.

And as Malichus was now especially afraid of Antipater,
he tried to get him out of the way; and, by the offer of
money, persuaded the butler of Hyrcanus with whom they
y?ere about to feast, to kill him by poison. This being
done, having armed men with him, he settled the affairs
of the city. But when Antipater’s sons, Herod and Phasae-
lus, got to know of this conspiracy against their father, and
were indignant at it, Malichus denied all, and professed to
have no knowledge of the murder. And thus died Anti¬
pater, a man that had distinguished himself for piety and
justice and love for his country. And whereas one of his
sons, Herod, resolved immediately to revenge his father’s
death, and marched against Malichus with an army, the
elder of his sons, Phasaelus, thought it best rather to get
round him by policy, lest they should appear to begin a
civil war in the country. So he accepted Malichus’ defence,
and pretended to believe that he had had no hand in the
death of Antipater his father, and erected a fine monu¬
ment to him. Herod also went to Samaria,’ and as he
found it in great distress, he repaired the city, and com¬
posed the differences of its inhabitants.

§ 5. Not long after this, Herod, upon the approach
of a festival at Jerusalem, went with his soldiers to
that city; whereupon Malichus was afraid, and urged
Hyrcanus not to permit him to enter the city. Hyrcanus
listened to him, and alleged, as a pretext for excluding
Herod, that a crowd of strangers ought not to be ad¬
mitted when the multitude were purifying themselves.
But Herod paid little regard to the messengers who were
sent to him, and entered the city by night, and frightened
Malichus, who however remitted nothing of his dissimula¬
tion, but wept for Antipater, and bewailed him with a loud
voice as a friend of his. And Herod and his friends thought
it well not to expose Malichus’ hypocrisy, but to receive
him kindly also, to prevent his feeling any suspicion.

§ 6. However, Herod sent to Cassius, and informed him
of the murder of his father. And he, knowing the character
of Malichus, sent him back word to revenge his father’s
death; and also sent privately to the commanders of the

1 Sebiistieh.

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

47

CHAP. XI.]

army at Tyre, ordering them to assist Herod in the execution
of his very just design. Now when Cassius had taken
Laodicea, 1 and they all went together to him, and carried
him garlands and money, Herod expected that Malichus
would be punished while he was there; but Malichus was
somewhat apprehensive of some such thing when in the
neighbourhood of Tyre in Phoenicia, and designed to make
some great move, and as his son was then an hostage at
Tyre, he went to that city, and resolved to steal him away
privately, and to march thence into Judsea ; and as Cassius
was in haste to march against Antony, he thought to bring
the country to revolt, and to procure the government for
himself. But Providence opposed his counsels, for Herod
being a shrewd man, and perceiving what his intention
was, sent thither beforehand a servant, in appearance in¬
deed to get a supper ready, (for he had said before that he
would feast them all there,) but in reality to take a mes¬
sage to the commanders of the army, whom he urged to go
out against Malichus with their daggers. So they went
out, and met the man near the city, upon the sea-sliore,
and there stabbed him. Thereupon Hyrcanus was so
astonished at what had happened, that his speech failed
him ; and when, after some difficulty, he came to himself,
he asked Herod’s men what the matter could be, and who
it was that had slain Malichus ? And when they said
that it was done by command of Cassius, he commended
the action ; for he said Malichus was a very wicked man,
and one that conspired against his country. And this was
the punishment that was inflicted on Malichus for what
he wickedly did to Antipater.

§ 7. But when Cassius had marched out of Syria, distur¬
bances arose in Judaea: for Helix, who was left at Jerusa¬
lem with an army, made a sudden attack on Phasaelus, and
the people themselves took up arms. And Herod went to
Pabius, the prefect of Damascus, and desired to run to his
brother’s assistance, but was hindered by an illness that
seized upon him, till Phasaelus by himself was too hard
for Helix, and shut him up in the tower, and then dis¬
missed him on conditions. Phasaelus also complained of

1 Latakieh, on the coast of Syria.

48

THE WORKS OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XIV.

Hyrcanus, on the ground that, although he had received
a great many benefits from them, he yet acted with his
enemies. For Malichus’ brother at this time made many
places to revolt, and kept garrisons in them, and especially
at Masada, 1 the strongest fortress of all. Not long after
this Herod recovered from his illness, and came and took
from Malichus’ brother all the places he had got, and, on
certain conditions, let him go.

CHAP. XII.

Herod ejects Antigonus, the Son of Aristohulus, from Judcea,
and gams the Friendship of Antony, who was now come
into Syria, hy sending him much Money ; on which Account
he would not hear those that would have accused Herod:
and what it was that Antony wrote to the Tyrians in behalf
of the Jews.

§ 1 -

OW Ptolemy, the son of Mennseus, because he was

-1 ’ akin to him, brought back into Judaea Antigonus the
son of Aristobulus, who had already raised an army, and
had by money made Fabius his friend. Marion also gave
him assistance. Marion had been left by Cassius to tyrannize
over Tyre, for Cassius having seized on Syria, then kept it
under by tyrants. Marion also marched into Galilee, which
lay in his neighbourhood, and took three of the fortresses,
and put garrisons into them to keep them. But when
Herod came against him he took them all from him, but
he dismissed the Tyrian garrison in a very civil manner;
nay he made presents to some from the good-will he bore
to that city. When he had despatched these affairs, and
had gone to meet Antigonus, he joined battle with him,
and beat him, and drove him out of Judaea, when he
was just come into its borders. And when he was come
to Jerusalem, Hyrcanus and the people put garlands on
his head; for he had already contracted an affinity with the
family of Hyrcanus by having espoused a descendant of

1 Sebbeh, on the west coast of the Dead Sea.

CHAP. XII.] ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 49

his, and for that reason Herod took the greater care of
him, as he was about to marry the daughter of Alexander
(the son of Aristobulus) and grand-daughter of Hyrcanus,
by whom he eventually became the father of three sons and
two daughters. He had also married before this another
wife, of a lower family of his own nation, whose name was
Doris, by whom he had his eldest son Antipater.

§ 2. Now Antony and Caesar 1 had beaten Cassius near
Philippi, 2 as others have related; and after that victory,
Caesar 1 went into Italy, and Antony set out for Asia,
and, when he arrived at Bithynia, 3 ambassadors met him
from all parts. The principal men also of the Jews
came there to accuse Phasaelus and Herod, and said
that Hyrcanus had indeed the semblance of reigning, but
these men had all the power. But Antony paid great
respect to Herod, who came to him to make his defence
against his accusers, so that his adversaries could not so
much as obtain a hearing; which favour Herod obtained
of Antony by money. But when Antony was come to
Ephesus, Hyrcanus the high priest, and our nation, sent an
embassage to him, who carried a crown of gold with them,
and begged that he would write to the governors of the
provinces, to set those Jews free who had been carried cap¬
tive by Cassius, though they had not fought against him,
and to restore them the country which had been taken
from them in the days of Cassius. Antony thought the
Jews’ requests were just, and wrote immediately to Hyr¬
canus and to the Jews. He also sent, at the same time,
a decree to the Tyrians, the contents of which were as
follows.

§ 3. “Marcus Antonius, imperator, to Hyrcanus the high
priest and ethnarch of the Jews greeting. If you be in
health, it is well; I also am in health and the army. Lysi-
machus the son of Pausanias, and Josephus the son of
Mennaeus, and Alexander the son of Theodorus, your am¬
bassadors, met me at Ephesus, and have renewed that em¬
bassage which they had formerly been upon at Rome, and
have diligently acquitted themselves in the present embas-

1 That is Octavius, afterwards the Emperor Augustus.

2 Now Filibeh, in Macedonia, not far from Kavala, Neapolis.

3 The N.W. portion of Asia Minor.

50

THE WORKS OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XIV.

sage on behalf of you and your nation, and have fully de¬
clared the good-will you have for us. I am therefore
satisfied, both by your actions and words, that you are
well disposed to us, and I understand that your conduct of
life is constant and religious, so I reckon upon you as our
own. But since those that were adversaries to you, and to
the Roman people, abstained neither from cities nor tem¬
ples, and did not observe the agreements they had con¬
firmed by oath, it was not only on account of our private
contest with them, but also on account of all mankind in
common, that we took vengeance on those who have been the
authors of great injustice towards men, and of great wicked¬
ness towards the gods ; for the sake of which we suppose
it was that the sun turned away its light, 1 being unwilling
to view the horrid crime they were guilty of in the case of
Caesar. We have also overcome their conspiracies, which
threatened the gods themselves, which Macedonia received,
as it is a climate peculiarly proper for impious and insolent
attempts, and we overcame that confused rout of men half
mad with spite against us, which they got together at
Philippi in Macedonia, when they occupied places fit for
their purpose, and, as it were, walled round with moun¬
tains to the very sea, and where approach was open only
through a single gate. This victory we gained because
the gods had condemned those men for their wicked un¬
dertakings. Now Brutus, when he had fled to Philippi,
was shut up by us, and partook of the same destruction
as Cassius ; and now that those men have received their
punishment, we hope that we may enjoy peace for the
time to come, and that Asia may be at rest from war. We,
therefore, make that peace which God has given us com¬
mon to our allies also, so that the body of Asia is now re¬
covered from its disease as it were owing to our victory.
I, therefore, bearing you in mind and hoping to aggran¬
dize your nation, shall take care of what may be for your
advantage. I have also sent letters to the several cities,

1 This clause plainly alludes to that well known but unusual and very
long darkness ot the sun, which happened upon the murder of Julius
Caesar by Brutus and Cassius, which is taken notice of by Virgil,
Pliny, and other Roman authors. See Virgil’s Georgies, b. i. just
before the end ; and Pliny’s Nat. Hist. b. ii. c. 30._W,

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

51

CHAP. XII.]

that if any persons, whether freemen or bondmen, have
been sold under the spear by Caius Cassius, or his subor¬
dinate officers, they are to be set free. And I will that you
make use of the favours which I and Dolabella have kindly
granted you. I also forbid the Tyrians to use any violence
to you, and as to those places of the Jews they now possess,
I order them to restore them. I have also accepted of the
crown which you sent me.”

§ 4. “ Marcus Antonius, imperator, to the magistrates,
senate, and people of Tyre, greeting. The ambassadors of
Hyrcanus the high priest and ethnarch [of the Jews] have
appeared before me at Ephesus, and have told me that you
are in possession of part of their country, which you entered
upon during the sway of our adversaries. Since, there¬
fore, we have undertaken a war for obtaining the govern¬
ment, and have taken care to do what was agreeable to
piety and justice, and have brought to punishment those
that had neither any remembrance of the kindness they
had received, nor kept their oaths, I will that you be at
peace with those that are our allies, as also that what you
have taken by means of our adversaries shall not be
reckoned your own, but be returned to those from whom
you took them. For none of our rivals took their pro¬
vinces or their armies by the gift of the senate, but seized
them by force, and gratified by violence such as served
them in their unjust proceedings. Since, therefore, those
men have received the punishment due to them, we desire
that our allies may retain whatever they formerly pos¬
sessed without disturbance, and that you restore all the
places which you now have, which belonged to Hyrcanus
the ethnarch of the Jews, even though only one day
before Caius Cassius began an unjustifiable war against
us, and entered our provinces. Neither use any force
against the Jews in order to weaken them, that they may
not be able to dispose of that which is their own. But if
you have any plea to urge in defence against Hyrcanus, it
shall be lawful for you to plead your case when we come
to the places concerned, for we shall alike preserve the
rights, and hear all the causes, of our allies.”

§ 5. “ Marcus Antonius, imperator, to the magistrates,
senate, and people of Tyre, greeting. I have sent you my

52

THE WORKS OP FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XIV.

decree, and I will that you take care that it be engraven on
the public tablets, in Roman and Greek letters, and that it
stand engraven in the most public place, that it may be
read by all. Marcus Antonius, imperator, one of the
triumvirs over public affairs, has spoken. Since Caius
Cassius, in the revolt he made, pillaged a province which
did not belong to him, and was held by garrisons there
encamped, and plundered our allies, and warred against
the nation of the Jews that was in friendship with the
Roman people, and since we have overcome his madness
by arms, we now correct by our decrees and judicial deter¬
minations what he has laid waste, that all that may be
restored to our allies. And as for what has been sold of
the Jews, whether bodies or possessions, let them be re¬
leased, the bodies into that state of freedom they were
originally in, and the possessions to their former owners.
I also will, that he who shall not comply with this decree
of mine, shall be punished for his disobedience ; and if
such a one be caught, I will take care that the offender
shall suffer condign punishment.”

§ 6. The same thing did Antony write to the Sidonians,
and the Antiochians, and the Aradians. 1 I have produced
these decrees at a suitable place, as proofs of the truth of
what I said, namely that the Romans had a great concern
about our nation.

CHAP. XIH.

How Antony made Herod and Phasaelus Tetrarchs after they
had been accused to no purpose ; and how the Parthians,
when they brought Antigonus into Judcea, took Hyrcanus
and Phasaelus captives. Herod’s Flight; and the Afflic¬
tions that Hyrcanus and Phasaelus endured.

§ 1 .

A FTER this when Antony came into Syria, Cleopatra
JA met him in Cilicia, and greatly captivated him. And
now again there came a hundred of the most influential

1 The people of Aradus, Arvad, now the island er-Ruad.

CHAP. XIII.] ANTIQUITIES OP THE JEWS.

53

of the Jews to accuse Herod and his party, and set the
men of the greatest eloquence among them to speak. But
Messala pleaded against them, on behalf of the young
men, and in the presence of Hyrcanus, who was Herod’s
father-in-law already. 1 When Antony had heard both
sides at Daphne, 2 3 he asked Hyrcanus who governed the
nation best ? and he replied, Herod and his party. There¬
upon Antony, because of the old friendship he had with
Herod’s father when he was with G-abinius, made both
Herod and Phasaelus tetrarchs, and committed the public
affairs of the Jews to them, and wrote letters to that pur¬
pose. He also put fifteen of their adversaries in bonds,
and was going to kill them, but Herod obtained their
pardon.

§ 2. Tet did not these men continue quiet when they re¬
turned from their embassage, but a thousand of the Jews
went to Tyre to meet Antony there, as the report was that
he would go there. But Antony was corrupted by the quan¬
tity of money which Herod and his brother had given him,
and so he gave orders to the governor of the place to punish
the Jewish ambassadors who were for making innovations,
and to settle the government upon Herod. And Herod
went out quickly to them, and Hyrcanus with him (for
they stood upon the shore before the city), and charged
them to go their ways, because great mischief would befall
them if they went on with their pertinacity. But they would
not listen, so the Romans ran upon them at once with
their daggers, and slew some, and wounded others, and the
rest fled away and went home, and remained quiet in great
consternation. And when the people made a clamour
against Herod, Antony was so provoked at it that he slew
those fifteen that had been put in bonds.

§ 3. Now, in the second year, Pacorus, the king of
Parthia’s son, and Barzapharnes, a satrap of the Parthians,
occupied Syria. Ptolemy, the son of Mennaeus, was now

1 We may here take notice, that espousals alone were of old esteemed
a sufficient foundation for affinity, Hyrcanus being here called father-
in-law to Herod, because his grand-daughter Mariamne was betrothed
to him, although the marriage was not completed till four years after¬

wards. See Mat. i. 16.—W.

3 Beit el’Ma , near Antioch.

54 THE WORKS OP FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XIV.

also dead, and Lysanias his son succeeded him, and made a
league of friendship with Antigonus, the son of Aristobulus,
and for that end made use of the satrap Barzapharnes, who
had great influence with him. Now Antigonus had promised
to give the Partliians a thousand talents and five hundred
women, if they would take the government away from
Hyreanus, and bestow it upon him, and also kill Herod.
And although he did not give what he promised, yet did
the Parthians make an expedition into Judaea on that
account, and carried Antigonus with them. Pacorus went
along the maritime parts, and the satrap Barzapharnes
through the interior of the country. Now the Tyrians
excluded Pacorus, but the Sidonians and those of Ptolemais 1
received him. However, Pacorus sent a troop of horse
into Judsea, to make a reconnaissance of the country, and
to assist Antigonus, and sent the king’s butler as its com¬
mander, who had the same name as himself. And when
the Jews that dwelt about Mount Carmel came to Anti¬
gonus, and were ready to march with him into Judaea,
Antigonus hoped to get some part of the country by their
assistance ; the place was called Dryrni. 2 And when some
others came and met them, the men marched on Jeru¬
salem ; and when some more were come to them, they got
together in great numbers, and marched against the king’s
palace and besieged it. But as Phasaelus’ and Herod’s
party came to the others’ assistance, and a battle took
place between them in the market-place, the young men
beat their enemies, and pursued them into the temple,
and sent some armed men into the adjoining houses to
keep them in, who however being destitute of support
were burnt, houses and all, by the people who rose up
against them. But Herod was revenged on these sedi¬
tious adversaries of his soon afterwards for this injury
they had done him, for he fought with them, and slew a
great number of them.

§ 4. But though there were daily skirmishes, the enemy
waited for the coming of the people out of the country
to Pentecost (a feast of ours so called), and when that

1 ’Akka, St. Jean d’Acre.

2 Comp. Jewish War, i. 13, § 2. Probably an oak-grove at the foot
of Carmel.

CHAP. XIII.]

ANTIQUITIES OP THE JEWS.

55

day was come, many myriads of the people were gathered
together near the temple, some in armour, and some un¬
armed. How those that came guarded both the temple
and the city, except near the palace, which Herod guarded
with a few of his soldiers ; and Phasaelus had the charge
of the wall, while Herod, with a body of his men, sallied
out upon the enemy, who lay in the suburbs, and fought
valiantly, and put many myriads to flight, some fleeing
into the city, and some into the temple, and some to the
outer vallum that was there. Phasaelus also came to his
assistance. And Pacorus, the general of the Parthians, at
the desire of Antigonus, was admitted into the city, with
a few of his horsemen, under pretext indeed of stilling
the sedition, but in reality to assist Antigonus in obtain¬
ing the government. And when Phasaelus met him, and
received him kindly, Pacorus persuaded him to go him¬
self as ambassador to Barzapharnes, which was done
treacherously. And Phasaelus, suspecting no harm, com¬
plied with his proposal, while Herod did not approve of
what was done, because of the perfidiousness of the bar¬
barians, but bade Phasaelus rather to fight against those
that were come into the city.

§ 5. So both Hyrcanus and Phasaelus went on the em¬
bassage ; but Pacorus left with Herod two hundred horse,
and ten men who were called Freemen, and conducted the
others on their journey. And when they got to Galilee,
the governors of the cities there met them in arms. And
Barzarpharnes received them at first with cheerfulness,
and made them presents, though he afterwards conspired
against them; and Phasaelus, with his horsemen, were
conducted to the seaside. But when they heard that
Antigonus had promised to bribe the Parthians by a thou¬
sand talents and five hundred women to assist him against
them, they soon had a suspicion of the barbarians. More¬
over, there was one who informed them that snares were
laid for them by night, as a guard secretly surrounded
them. And they would then have been seized upon, had
not they waited for the seizure of Herod by the Parthians
that were at Jerusalem, lest, upon the slaughter of Hyr¬
canus and Phasaelus, he should have an intimation of it,
and so escape out of their hands. And these were the cir-

56 THE WORKS OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XIV.

cumstances they were now in, and they saw who they were
that guarded them. Some persons indeed advised Pha-
saelus to ride off immediately, and not to stay any longer;
and there was one Ophellius, who, above all the rest, was
urgent with him to do so, for he had heard of this treachery
from Saramalla, the richest of all the Syrians at that time,
who also promised to provide him ships for flight; for the
sea was near. But he had no mind to desert Hyrcanus,
nor bring his brother into danger; but he went to Bar-
zapharnes, and told him he did not act justly in plotting
thus against them, for if he wanted money, he would give
him more than Antigonus ; and besides, it was monstrous
to slay ambassadors that came to him upon the security of
their oaths, and that when they had done no injury. And
the barbarian swore to him that there was no truth in any
of his suspicions, but that he was troubled with nothing
but false fancies, and then went back to Pacorus.

§ 6. But as soon as he was gone away, some of the Par-
thians came and bound Hyrcanus and Phasaelus, and
Phasaelus greatly reproached the Parthians for their per¬
jury. Now the butler who was sent against Herod had been
told to get him without the walls of the city and seize
upon him. But messengers had been sent by Phasaelus to
inform Herod of the periidiousness of the Parthians : and
when Herod knew that the enemy had seized Hyrcanus
and Phasaelus, he went to Pacorus, and to the most in¬
fluential of the Parthians, as the lords of the rest. And they,
although they knew the whole matter, dissembled with
him in a deceitful way; and said that he ought to go out
with them before the walls, and meet those who were
bringing him letters, for they had not yet been taken by
his adversaries, but were coming to give him an account of
the good success Phasaelus had had. But Herod did not
credit what they said; for he had heard from others that
his brother had been seized. And the daughter of Hyrcanus,
whose daughter he had espoused, advised him also [not to
credit them,] which made him still more suspicious of the
Parthians ; for although other people did not give heed to
her, he believed her to be a woman of very great wisdom.

§ 7. Now while the Parthians were in consultation what
was fit to be done (for they did not think it proper to make

CHAP. XIII.] ANTIQUITIES OP THE JEWS.

57

an open attempt upon a person of his character), and put
off the matter to the next day, Herod was in great
anxiety; and rather inclining to believe the reports he
heard about his brother and the Parthians, than to give
heed to what was said on the other side, he determined
that, when evening came on, he would make use of it
for his flight, and not make any longer delay, as if danger
from the enemy was still uncertain. He therefore set out
with the armed men whom he had with him, and set the
women upon beasts of burden, as his mother and sister,
and her whom he was about to marry [Mariamne], the
daughter of Alexander (the son of Aristobulus), and her
mother the daughter of Hyrcanus, and his youngest
brother, and all their servants, and the rest of the multi¬
tude that was with him, and without the enemies’ know¬
ledge pursued his way to Idumaea 1 : nor could any enemy
of his, who had seen him then in this case, have been so
hard-hearted, as not to have commiserated his fortune, as
the women dragged along their infant children, and with
tears in their eyes, and sad lamentations, left their own
country, and their friends in prison, and expected nothing
but what was of a melancholy nature.

§ 8. But Herod raised his mind above the miserable
state he was in, and was of good courage in the midst of
his misfortunes, and, as he passed along, bade every one
be of good cheer, and not give way to sorrow, because that
would hinder them in their flight, which was now the only
hope of safety that they had. So they tried to bear with
patience the calamity they were in, as Herod exhorted them
to do; but he once almost killed himself, upon the over¬
throw of a waggon, and the danger his mother was then in
of being killed, not only because of his great concern for her,
but also because he was afraid lest, by this delay, the enemy
should overtake him in the pursuit. But as he was draw¬
ing his sword, and going to kill himself with it, those that
were present restrained him, and being so many in number
were too much for him, and told him that he ought not to
desert them, and leave them a prey to their enemies, for
that it was not the part of a brave man to free himself

1 The country south of Hebron and west of the Dead Sea is referred
to here.

58

THE WORKS OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XIV.

from the distresses he was in, and to leave his friends to
struggle in the same. So he was compelled to let that
horrid attempt alone, partly from shame at what they said
to him, and partly from regard to the great number of
those that would not permit him to do what he intended.
And he revived his mother, and took all the care of her
the conjuncture would allow, and proceeded on the way he
proposed to go with the utmost haste, and that was to the
fortress of Masada. 1 And though he had many skirmishes
with such of the Parthians as attacked him and pursued
him, he was conqueror in them all.

§ 9. Nor indeed was he free from the Jews during
his flight; for by the time he had got sixty furlongs out of
the city, and was upon the road, they fell upon him, and
fought hand to hand with him, and he also put them to
flight and overcame them, not like one that was in distress
and in necessity, but like one that was excellently pre¬
pared for war, and had what he wanted in great plenty.
And in the very place where he overcame the Jews, some
time afterwards, when he became king, he built a most
fine palace, and a city round it, and called it Herodium. 4
And when he was come to Idumsea, to a place called Thresa, 3
his brother Joseph met him, and he then held a council to
take advice about all his affairs, and what was fit to be
done under the circumstances, as he had a great multitude
that followed him, besides his mercenary soldiers, and the
fortress of Masada, where he proposed to flee to, was too small
to contain so great a multitude. So he sent away the greater
part of his company, who were more than nine thousand, and
bade them go some one way and some another, and save
themselves in Idumsea, and gave them what would buy them
provisions on their journey ; but he took with himself those
that were the least encumbered, and were most friendly to
him, and reached the fortress, and placed there his wives,
and his followers (who were eight hundred in number),
there being in the place a sufficient quantity of corn and
water and other necessaries, and himself set out directly
for Petra in Arabia. But when it was day, the Parthians

1 Sebbeh, on the west shore of the Dead Sea.

3 Probably Jebel Fureidis, south of Jerusalem.

3 Comp. Jewish War, i. 13, § 8 ; Antiq. xiv. 15, § 2. Site not known.

59

CHAP, XIII.] ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

plundered all Jerusalem, and the palace, and abstained
from nothing but Hyrcanus’ money, which was three hun¬
dred talents. A great deal of Herod’s money escaped,
especially all that he had been so prudent as to send into
Iduinsea beforehand. However, what was in the city did
not suffice the Parthians, but they went out into the
country, and plundered it, and razed to the ground the
powerful city of Marissa. 1

§ 10. Thus was Antigonus restored to Judaea by the
king of the Parthians, and received Hyrcanus and Pha-
saelus as prisoners; but he was greatly cast down because
the women had escaped, whom he intended to have given
the enemy, as he had promised they should have them,
with money, for their reward. And being afraid that
Hyrcanus, who was guarded by the Parthians, would have
the kingdom restored to him by the multitude, he cut
off his ears, and so took care that the high priesthood
should never come to him any more, because he was thus
maimed, and the law required that this dignity should be¬
long to none but such as had all their members entire.*
But one cannot but admire the fortitude of Phasaelus, who,
perceiving that he was to be put to death, did not think
death terrible at all; but he thought it a most pitiable
and dishonourable thing to die at the hands of the enemy,
and therefore, since he had not his hands at liberty, for
the bonds he was in prevented him from killing himself
with them, he dashed his head against a great stone, and
so took away his own life, which he thought to be the best
thing he could do in such straits as he was in, and so
put it out of the power of the enemy to put him to any
death he pleased. It is also reported, that when he had
made a great wound in his head, Antigonus sent surgeons
as if to heal it, and ordered them to infuse poison into
the wound, and so killed him. However, Phasaelus
hearing from a certain woman, before he was quite dead,
that his brother Herod had escaped the enemy, underwent
his death cheerfully, since he now left behind him one who
would revenge his death, and was able to inflict punish¬
ment on his enemies.

1 Kh. Mer’ask.

2 This law of Moses, that the priests were to be ‘ without blemish,’ as
to all the parts of their bodies, is in Levit. xxi. 17-24.— W.

60

THE WORKS OP FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XIT.

CHAP. XIV.

How Herod got away from the King of Arabia, and made
haste to go into Egyvt, and thence went away in haste also
to Rome : and how, by promising a great deal of money to
Antony, he was made by the Senate and Augustus King
of the Jews.

§ 1 .

A S for Herod, the great hardships he underwent did not
discourage him, but made him sharp in inventing
bold plans. For he went to Malchus, king of Arabia,
whom he had formerly been very kind to, in order to
receive a return now he was in more than ordinary want
of it, and desired he would let him have some money,
either by way of loan or as a free gift, as he had received
many benefits from him ; for not knowing what had hap¬
pened to his brother, he was in haste to ransom him out
of the hands of his enemies, being -willing to give three
hundred talents as the price of his ransom. He also took
with him the son of Phasaelus, who was a child of but
seven years of age, in order that he might be a hostage
to the Arabs for the repayment of the money ; but there
came messengers from Malchus to meet him, by whom
he was desired to be off, for the Parthians had charged
him not to receive Herod. This was only a pretext which
he made use of that he might not be obliged to repay him
what he owed him: and he was further induced to this
by the principal men among the Arabians, that they might
cheat him of the sums they had received from Antipater
as a trust. He made answer, that he had not intended
to be troublesome to them by his coming to them, but
that he had desired only to discourse with them about
certain affairs that were of the greatest importance to him.

§ 2. He then resolved to go away, and very prudently
took the road to Egypt. And that night he lodged in a
certain temple, for he had left a great many of his fol¬
lowers there, but on the next day he reached Rhinocurura, 1

1 el-’Arhh, on the coast between Egypt and Palestine.

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

61

CHAP. XIV.]

and there heard what had befallen his brother. However,
Malchus soon repented of what he had done, and came
running after Herod, but with no success, for he had got
a very great way off, mating post haste on the road to
Pelusium. 1 And when the ships that lay at anchor there
hindered him from sailing to Alexandria, he went to the
rulers of the place, by whom, in their reverence and great
regard for him, he was conducted to the city, and was de¬
tained there by Cleopatra. However she was not able to
prevail with him to stay there, because he was making
haste to Rome, even though the weather was stormy, and
he was informed that affairs in Italy were in great dis¬
order and in a most unsettled condition.

§ 3. So he set sail from thence for Pamphylia, 3 and, fall¬
ing in with a violent storm, had much ado to escape to
Rhodes, with the loss of the ship’s burden. And there
two of his friends, Sappinas and Ptolemy, met him; and
as he found Rhodes had been very much damaged in the
war against Cassius, he neglected not to do it a kindness,
though he was in necessity himself, but did what he could
to restore it to its former state. He also built there a
trireme, and set sail thence with his friends for Italy, and
arrived at the port of Brundusium ; 3 and when he had got
from thence to Rome, he first related to Antony what had
befallen him in Judsea, and how Phasaelus his brother had
been seized by the Parthians, and put to death by them,
and how Hyrcanus was detained captive by them, and how
they had made Antigonus king, who had promised them no
less a sum of money than a thousand talents, and five
hundred women (who were to be of the principal families
and of the Jewish stock), and how he himself had carried
off the women by night, and by undergoing a great many
hardships had escaped the hands of his enemies; as also,
that his own relations were in danger of being besieged
and taken, and that he had sailed through a storm, and
despised all these terrible dangers, in order to come as
soon as possible to him, who was his hope and only succour
at this time.

§ 4. This account made Antony commiserate the change-

1 Tlneh. 2 On the south coast of Asia Minor. 8 Brindisi.

62 THE WORKS OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XIV.

that had happened in Herod’s condition, and reasoning
with himself that this was a common case among those
that are placed in such great dignities, and that they too
are liable to fortune, he was very ready to give him the
assistance he desired, partly because he called to mind the
friendship he had had with Antipater, partly because
Herod offered him money to make him king, as he had
formerly done because he was made tetrarch, but chiefly
because of his hatred to Antigonus, for he took him to be
a seditious person, and an enemy to the Romans. Augustus
was also the forwarder to raise Herod’s dignity, and to
give him his assistance in what he desired, on account of
the toils of war which his father had undergone with
Antipater in Egypt, and of the hospitable way in which
he had treated him, and the kindness he had always showed
him, as also to gratify Antony, who was very attached to
Herod. So the senate was convened, and Messala and after
him Atratinus introduced Herod, and enlarged upon the
benefits they had received from his father, and reminded
them of the good-will he had himself borne to the Romans.
At the same time they accused Antigonus, and declared him
an enemy, not only because of his former opposition to them,
but because he had now neglected the Romans, and taken
the government from the Parthians. Upon this the senate
was irritated, and Antony came forward and informed them
that it was for their advantage in the Parthian war that
Herod should be king. This seemed good to all the sena¬
tors, and they made a decree to this effect accordingly.

§ 5. And this was the principal proof of Antony’s affec¬
tion for Herod, that he not only procured him a kingdom
which he did not expect (for he did not come with an
intention to ask the kingdom for himself, for he did not
suppose the Romans would grant it him, who generally
bestowed it on some of the royal family, but intended
to ask it for his wife’s brother, who was grandson on the
father’s side to Aristobulus, and to Hyrcanus on the
mother’s side), but procured it for him so soon, little as he
expected it, that he left Italy in as few days as seven
in all. The young man his brother-in-law Herod after¬
wards took care to have slain, as I shall show in its proper
place. And when the senate was dissolved, Antony and

■CHAP. XIV.] ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

68

Augustus went out of the senate-house, with Herod be¬
tween them, and with the consuls and other magistrates
before them, in order to offer sacrifices, and to lay up their
decrees in the Capitol. Antony also feasted Herod the
first day of his reign. And thus did he receive the king¬
dom, having obtained it in the hundred and eighty -
fourth Olympiad, when Caius Domitius Calvinus was
consul the second time, and Caius Asinius Pollio [the first
time].

§ 6. All this while Antigonus besieged those that were
in Masada, who had plenty of all other necessaries, and
were only in want of water, so that on that account
Joseph, Herod’s brother, intended to desert from it with
two hundred of his men to the Arabians; for he heard
that Malchus repented of the offences he had been guilty
of with regard to Herod. But God, by sending rain in
the night-time, prevented his going away, for their cisterns
were thereby filled, and so he was under no necessity of
flight any longer, but they were now of good courage, and
the more so, because the sending that plenty of water
which they had been in want of, seemed a token of
divine providence; so they made a sally, and fought
with Antigonus’ soldiers, some openly, others from am¬
bush, and slew a great number of them. Meantime Ven-
tidius, the general of the Romans, having been sent to
drive the Parthians out of Syria, marched after them
into Judaea, ostensibly to succour Joseph, but in reality
the whole affair was no more than a stratagem to get
money from Antigonus. So he pitched his camp very
near Jerusalem, and stripped Antigonus of a great deal
of money, and then retired himself with the greater part
of his army; but, that his motive might not be found
out, he left Silo there with a certain part of his soldiers;
and Antigonus also paid court to him, that he might
cause him no disturbance, though he still hoped that the
Parthians would come again and aid him.

64

THE WORKS OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XIV,

CHAP. XV.

How Herod sailed from Italy to Judaea, and fought against
Antigonus; also what other things happened in Judcea
about this Time.

§ I-

B Y this time Herod had sailed from Italy to Ptolemais,
and had got together no small army both of merce¬
naries and of his own countrymen, and marched through
Galilee against Antigonus. Silo also and Ventidius came
and assisted him, being urged by Dellius (who was sent
by Antony) to assist in restoring Herod. As for Ven¬
tidius, he was employed in settling the disturbances that
had been made in the cities because of the Parthians;
and as for Silo he was in Judaea, having been bribed by
Antigonus. Now as Herod went along, his army increased
every day, and all Galilee, with some few exceptions,
joined him ; but as he was marching to those that were at
Masada (for he was obliged to endeavour to save those that
were besieged in that fortress because they were his rela¬
tions) Joppa’ was a hindrance to him, for it was necessary
for him to take that place first, it being a city hostile to
him, that no point d’appui might be left in his enemies’
hands on his rear, when he should go to Jerusalem. And as
Silo made this a pretext for departing and was thereupon
pursued by the Jews, Herod fell upon them with a small
body of men, and not only put the Jews to flight but saved
Silo, when he was very poorly able to defend himself.
And when Herod had taken Joppa, he made haste to set
free those of his friends that were in Masada. 2 Now some
of the people of the country joined him because of the
friendship they had had to his father, and some because of
his own reputation, and others by way of return for the
benefits they had received from both of them, but most
came to him in hope of getting something from him, if he
were once firmly settled in the kingdom.

§ 2. Herod had now a strong force, and as he marched

1 Jaffa.

a Sebbeh.

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

65

CHAP. XV.]

on, Antigonns laid snares and ambushes in the passes and
places most proper for them, but in truth he did thereby
little or no damage to his enemy. But Herod recovered his
friends out of Masada, and took the fortress of Thresa, 1 and
marched on for Jerusalem. The soldiers also that were with
Silo accompanied him, as did many of the citizens, being
awed at his power. And as soon as he had pitched his camp
on the west side of the city, the soldiers that were set to
guard that part shot their arrows, and threw their darts at
him. And as some sallied out en masse, and fought hand to
hand with the front ranks of Herod’s army, he gave orders
that they should, in the first place, make proclamation
near the walls, that he came for the good of the people, and
for the preservation of the city, and not to revenge any old
grudge on even his most open enemies, but was ready to
forget the offences which his greatest adversaries had done
him. But Antigonus, by way of reply to what Herod had
caused to be proclaimed, said to Silo and the Roman army,
“ That they would not do justly, if they gave the kingdom
to Herod, who was only a private man, and an Idumsean,
i.e., only half a Jew, whereas they ought to bestow it on one
of the royal family, as their custom was. For if they now
bore ill-will to him (Antigonus), and had resolved to
deprive him of the kingdom as having received it from
the Parthians, yet were there many others of his family
who might by their law take it, and those such as had no
way offended against the Romans, and as they were priests,
it would be an unworthy thing to pass them by.” Now,
as they said thus one to another, and fell to reproaching
one another on both sides, Antigonus permitted his own
men to repel the enemy from the walls. And they using
their bows, and showing great energy against their enemies,
easily drove them away from the towers.

§ 3. And now Silo made it plain that he had taken
bribes. For he set many of his soldiers to complain aloud
of their want of provisions, and to demand money to buy
food, and to insist on being led into places proper for
winter quarters, since the places near the city were a desert,
because Antigonus’ soldiers had looted everything, so he

’ See Antiq. xiv. 13, § 9.

F

III.

66 THE WORKS OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XIV.

was for removing the army, and endeavoured to march
away. But Herod pressed him not to depart, and exhorted
Silo’s captains and soldiers not to desert him, as Augustus
and Antony and the senate had sent him there, for he would
provide them plenty of all the things they wanted, and
easily procure them a great abundance of what they re¬
quired. After this entreaty he went immediately into the
country, and left not the least pretext to Silo for departure,
for he brought an unexpected quantity of provisions, and
sent to those friends of his who dwelt near Samaria, to
bring down com, and wine, and oil, and cattle, and all
other provisions, to Jericho, that there might be a plen¬
tiful supply for the soldiers for the time to come. Anti-
gonus got to know this, and sent at once all over the coun¬
try such as might hinder, and lie in ambush for, those that
went out for provisions. And they obeyed the orders of
Antigonus, and got together a great number of armed men
in the neighbourhood of Jericho, and sat upon the mountains
on the look out for those that brought provisions. However,
Herod did not idly look on at their doing this, for he took
ten cohorts of soldiers, of whom five were composed of
Romans, and five of Jews, and some mercenaries also, and
some few horsemen, and marched to Jericho ; and he found
the city deserted, but five hundred occupied the tops of the
hills with their wives and children, and these he took and
sent away ; but the Romans fell upon the city and plun¬
dered it, and found the houses full of all sorts of good
things. And the king left a garrison at Jericho, and re¬
turned, and sent the Roman army to take their winter
quarters in the parts of the country that had come over to
him, as Judaea and Galilee and Samaria. And so much
did Antigonus gain of Silo for the bribes he gave him, that
part of the army should be quartered at Lydda, 1 to please
Antony. And the Romans now laid their weapons aside,
and lived in plenty.

§ 4. But Herod was not pleased with being inactive, but
despatched his brother Joseph against Idumaea with two
thousand armed foot, and four hundred horse, while he
himself went to Samaria, and left his mother and his other

1 Ludd.

CHAP. XV.]

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

67

relations there, for they were already gone from Masada,
and set out for G-alilee, to capture certain places which were
held by the garrisons of Antigonus. And he reached
Sepphoris' in a snow-storm, and as Antigonus’ garrisons
had withdrawn, he had great plenty of provisions. He
also went thence, and resolved to destroy some robbers
that dwelt in the caves, and did much mischief in the
country, so he sent a troop of horse and three companies
of foot against them. They were very near to a village
called Arbela; 2 and on the fortieth day he came up him¬
self with his whole army; and as the enemy sallied out
boldly against him, the left wing of his army gave way,
but he himself, coming up at the nick of time with a com¬
pact body of men, put those to flight who were already
conquerors, and rallied his men that had fled away. He
also pressed hard upon his enemies, and pursued them as
far as the river Jordan, though they fled by different roads.
And he brought over to him all Galilee, excepting those
that dwelt in the caves, and distributed money to every
one of his soldiers, giving them a hundred and fifty
drachmae apiece, and much more to their commanders, and
sent them into winter quarters. Meantime Silo and the
commanders who were in winter quarters came to him,
because Antigonus would not give them provisions any
longer, for he supplied them for no more than one month.
Hay, he had sent to all the country round about, and
ordered them to carry off the provisions that were there,
and retire to the mountains, that the Romans might have
no provisions to live upon, and so might perish by famine.
But Herod committed the care of that matter to Pheroras,
his youngest brother, and ordered him to rebuild Alexan-
drium 3 also. And he quickly made the soldiers to abound
with great plenty of provisions, and rebuilt Alexandrium,
which had before been desolate.

§ 5. About the same time Antony continued some time
at Athens, and Ventidius, who was now in Syria, sum¬
moned Silo against the Parthians, and commanded him
first to assist Herod to finish the present war, and then to

* Sefiiriek.

2 Irbid, on the hills west of the Sea of Galilee, and above Mejdel,
Magdala. 3 Kefr Istdna.

68 THE WORKS OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XIV.

summon their allies to the war they were themselves en¬
gaged in. As for Herod, he went in haste against the
robbers that were in the caves, and sent Silo away to Ven-
tidius, while he himself marched against them. These
caves were in mountains 1 that were exceedingly steep, and
in the middle had precipitous entrances, and were sur¬
rounded by sharp rocks, and the robbers lay concealed in
these caves with all their families about them. But the
king caused certain cases to be made bound about with
iron chains, and hung down by a mechanical contrivance
from the top of the mountain, it not being possible to get
up to them by reason of the sharp ascent of the mountain,
nor to creep down to them from above. Now these cases
were filled with armed men, who had long hooks in their
hands, by which they could pull out such as resisted them,
and then tumble them down the precipices, and kill them by
so doing. But the letting down the cases proved to be a
matter of great danger, because of the vast depth they were
to be let down ; and they had their provisions inside with
them. But when the cases were let down, and not one of
those in the mouths of the caves durst come near them, but
remained quiet from fear, one of the armed men girt on his
armour, and with both of his hands took hold of the chain
bv which the case was let down, and went into the mouth
of one of the caves, because he fretted that such delay was
made by the robbers not daring to come out. And when
he was at any of those mouths, he first killed many of
those that were in the mouths with his darts, and after¬
wards pulled to him those that resisted with his hook, and
tumbled them down the precipices, and afterwards went
into the cave and killed many more, and then returned to
his case again, and lay still there; and terror seized the
rest, when they heard the lamentations that were made, and
they despaired of escaping. However, when night came
on, that put an end to the whole work ; and, as the king
permitted it, many made overtures and delivered up them¬
selves to him as his subjects. The same method of assault
was made use of the next day, when Herod’s men went
further, and got out in baskets to them, and fought them

The caves are in the precipitous rucks of the gorge through which
Wddy Hammam runs down to the Plain of Gennesareth.

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

69

CHAP. XV.]

at their doors, and threw fire in among them, and set
their eaves on fire, for there was a great deal of wood
inside them. Now there was one old man who was shut
up in one of these caves with seven children and a wife,
and they prayed him to give them leave to go out and yield
themselves up to the enemy, but he stood at the cave’s
mouth, and still slew that son of his who went out, till
he had killed them every one, and after that he slew his
wife, and cast their dead bodies down the precipices, and
himself after them, preferring death to slavery. But before
he did this, he greatly reproached Herod with the mean¬
ness of his family, although Herod (who saw what he meant
to do) stretched out his hand, and offered him all manner
of security for his life. In this way all these caves were
at length subdued entirely.

§ 6. And when the king had set Ptolemy over these
parts of the country as his general, he went to Samaria,
with six hundred horse and three thousand foot, intending
to fight against Antigonus. But this command of the
army did not succeed well with Ptolemy, for those that had
been troublesome in Galilee before attacked him and slew
him ; and when they had done this, they fled to the marshes
and to places almost inaccessible, laying waste and plun¬
dering all that part of the country. But Herod soon re¬
turned, and punished them for what they had done; for
some of those rebels he slew, and others of them (who had
fled to strongholds) he besieged, and both slew them and
demolished their strongholds: and when he had thus put
an end to their rebellion, he laid a fine upon the cities of a
hundred talents.

§ 7. Meantime as Pacorus had fallen in battle, and the
Parthians had been defeated, Ventidius sent Machseras to
the assistance of Herod, with two legions and a thousand
horsemen, at the instigation of Antony. But Machseras,
at the invitation of Antigonus, without the approbation of
Herod, being corrupted by money, went away as if to re¬
connoitre Antigonus’ position. But Antigonus, suspecting
the intention of his coming, did not admit him into the
city, but kept him at a distance by hurling stones at him
from slings, and so plainly showed what he himself meant.
And when Machaeras was sensible that Herod had given

70

THE WORKS OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XIV.

him good advice, and that he had made a mistake in not
hearkening to it, he retired to the city of Emmaus ; 1 and
whatever Jews he met on the road, he slew, whether
they were enemies or friends, from the rage he was in at
the hardships he had undergone. The king was provoked
at this conduct of his, and went to Samaria, and resolved
to go to Antony about these affairs, and to inform him that
he stood in no need of such helpers, who did him more
harm than they did his enemies, and that he was able of
himself to beat Antigonus. But Macliseras followed him,
and begged that he would remain, or, if he was resolved to
go, that he would join his brother Joseph to them, and let
him fight against Antigonus. And he was reconciled to
Maehaeras upon his earnest entreaties ; and he left Joseph
there with his army, but charged him to run no hazards,
and not to quarrel with Machseras.

§ 8. But he himself made haste to Antony (who was
then besieging Samosata, 2 a place near the Euphrates),
with troops both of horse and foot who went to his aid.
And when he reached Antioch, and found there a great
number of men got together, that were very desirous to go
to Antony, but durst not venture to go from fear, because
the barbarians fell upon them on the road, and slew many,
he encouraged them, and became their conductor upon the
road. Now when they were within two days’ inarch of Samo¬
sata, the barbarians laid an ambush there for those who were
going to join Antony ; and where the woods made the passes
narrow to the plains, there they laid not a few of their cavalry,
who were to lie still until those who were to pass by had got
into a place where cavalry could manoeuvre. Now as soon
as their first ranks were gone by (for Herod brought up the
rear), those that lay in ambush, who were about five hun¬
dred, fell upon them on the sudden, and when they had
put the foremost of them to flight, the king came up riding
hard, with the forces that were with him, and immediately
drove back the enemy ; by which means he made the minds
of his own men courageous, and emboldened them to go on,
insomuch that those who ran away before now rallied,
and the barbarians were slain on all sides. The king

1 Emmaus-Nicopolis, ’Amwds.

2 Now Samsat, on the Euphrates above Birajik.

CHAP. XV.]

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

71

also went on killing them, and recovered all the baggage
(among which were a great number of beasts of burden
and slaves) and proceeded on his march ; and whereas there
were a very great number of those in the woods that at¬
tacked them, and were near the outlet into the plain, he
made a sally upon these also with a strong body of men,
and put them to flight, and slew many of them, and there¬
by rendered the way safe for those that came after; and
they called Herod their saviour and protector.

§ 9. And when he was near Samosata, Antony sent
out his army in all their pomp to meet him, partly to pay
Herod this respect, partly as a reinforcement, for he had
heard of the attacks the barbarians had made upon him.
He also was very glad to see him, having been made ac¬
quainted with the great actions he had performed upon the
road, and he entertained him very kindly, and could not
but admire his courage. Antony also embraced him as
soon as he saw him, and saluted him in a most affectionate
manner, and highly honoured him, as having himself lately
made him a king. And in a little time Antiochus delivered
up the fortress, and so the war was at an end; so Antony
handed over the command to Sossius, and gave him orders
to assist Herod, and himself went to Egypt. And Sossius
sent two legions on to Judaea to the assistance of Herod, and
followed himself with the main body of his army.

§ 10. How Joseph had been already slain in Judaea in
the following manner. He forgot the injunctions his brother
Herod had given him when he went to Antony ; and when
he had pitched his camp among the mountains, as Machaeras
had lent him five regiments, he went hastily with them to
Jericho, in order to reap the corn in that district; and as
the Roman regiments were but newly raised, and were un¬
skilled in war (for they were in great part collected out of
Syria) he was attacked by the enemy, and entangled on
difficult ground, and was himself slain fighting bravely,
and lost his whole army, for six regiments were cut
to pieces. And when Antigonus had got possession of
the dead bodies, he cut off Joseph’s head, although
his brother Pheroras would have redeemed it for fifty
talents. After this defeat the Galilseans revolted from
their commanders, and drowned those of Herod’s party in

72 THE WORKS OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XIV.

the lake, and a great part of Judsea became seditious; but
Machseras fortified the place Gittha. 1

§ 11. Meantime messengers came to Herod, and in¬
formed him of what had happened, and when he was come
to Daphne near Antioch, they told him of the ill fortune
that had befallen his brother; which he had indeed ex¬
pected from certain visions that appeared to him in his
dreams, which clearly foreshowed his brother’s death. So
he hastened his march, and when he came to mount
Libanus, he took about eight hundred of the men of that
neighbourhood, having already with him also one Roman
legion, and went to Ptolemais. He also marched thence by
night with his army, and proceeded through Galilee. Here
the enemy met him, and fought him, and were beaten, and
shut up in the same fortress whence they had sallied out the
day before. So he attacked the place in the morning, but by
reason of a great storm that then broke out, he was able to
do nothing, but drew off his army into the neighbouring
villages; but as soon as a second legion that Antony sent
him had come, those that were in garrison in the place
were afraid, and deserted it in the night-time. Then did
the king march hastily to Jericho, intending to avenge
himself on the enemy for the slaughter of his brother.
And when he had encamped there, he made a feast for the
principal people, and after this collation was over, he dis¬
missed his guests, and retired to his own chamber. And
here one may see what kindness God had for the king, for
the upper part of the house fell down when nobody was in
it, and so killed nobody, insomuch that all the people be¬
lieved that Herod was beloved of God, since he had escaped
such a great and surprising danger.

§ 12. But the next day six thousand of the enemy came
down from the tops of the mountains to fight, which
greatly terrified the Romans; and the soldiers that were
in light armour came near, and pelted the king’s guards
who had come out with him with darts and stones, and one
of them hit the king himself on the side with a dart. Anti-
gonus also sent a commander whose name was Pappus, with
some forces against Samaria, being desirous to show the

1 Apparently the Gittah-Hepher, or Gath-Hepher, of Josh. xix. 13,
and 2 Kings xiv. 25. Now el-Mesh-hed, three miles N.E. of Nazareth.

CHAP. XV.]

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

73

enemy how strong he was, and that he had men to spare
in his war with them : while he himself sat down to oppose
Machseras. But Herod, when he had taken five cities, slew
those who were left in them, who were about two thou¬
sand, and burnt the cities themselves, and then returned to
go against Pappus, who was encamped at a village called
Isanas; 1 and there flocked to him many from Jericho and
Judaea, near to which places he was, and the enemy fell
upon his men, so confident were they, and joined battle
with them, but he beat them in the fight, and in order to
be revenged on them for the slaughter of his brother, he
pursued them hotly, and killed them as they ran away.
And as the houses were full of armed men, and many of
them fled to the tops of the houses, he got possession of
these, and pulled down the roofs of the houses, and saw
the rooms below full of soldiers that were caught all to¬
gether. And they threw stones down upon them as they
lay piled one upon another, and so killed them: nor
was there a more frightful spectacle in all the war than
outside the walls, where an immense number of dead
bodies lay heaped upon one another. It was this action
which chiefly broke the spirits of the enemy, who looked
anxiously to the future. For there appeared a mighty
number of people that came from places far distant, that
were now about the village, but ran away ; and had it not
been that the depth of winter prevented them, the king’s
army would have gone to Jerusalem, being very courageous
at this good success, and would have brought the whole
war to an end. For Antigonus was already on the qui
vive to flee away and leave the city.

§ 13. Then the king gave order that the soldiers should
go to supper (for it was late at night) while he himself went
into a chamber to have a bath (for he was very weary), and
here it was that he was in the greatest danger, which yet
by God’s providence he escaped. For as he was naked,
and had but one servant with him as he was bathing in
an inner room, some of the enemy, who were in their
armour, and had fled there out of fear, were then in the
place; and as he was bathing, the first of them came out

1 Possibly the Jeshanah of 2 Chron. xiii. 19; now ’Ain Sinia, in the
valley N. of Beit in. Bethel.

74

TEE WORKS OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XIV.

with his sword drawn, and went out at the doors, and
after him a second and a third, armed in like manner, and
were in such consternation that they did no hurt to the
king, and thought themselves to have come off very well
in suffering no harm themselves, but getting safe out of the
house. On the next day Herod cut off the head of
Pappus (for he was already slain) and sent it to Pheroras,
in revenge for what their brother had suffered at his hands,
for he had slain him with his own hand.

§ 14. When the winter was over, Herod removed his
army, and came near to Jerusalem, and pitched his camp
hard by that city. Now this was the third year since he
had been made king at Rome. And as he removed his
camp, and came near that part of the wall where it could
be most easily assaulted, he pitched his camp before the
temple, intending to make his attacks in the same manner
as Pompey had done formerly. So he threw up three bul¬
warks round the place, and erected towers, and employed a
great many hands in the work, and cut down the trees
that were round about. And when he had appointed
proper persons to oversee the works, while the army still
lay before the city, he himself went to Samaria to marry
Mariamne, the daughter of Alexander (the son of Aristo-
bulus), to whom he was already betrothed, as I have before
related.

CHAP. XVI.

How Herod, when he had married Mariamne, took Jerusalem,
with the Assistance of Sossius, by Force, and how the Reign
of the Asamonmans was put an end to.

§ L

A FTER the wedding was over, came Sossius through
-Cl- Phoenicia, having sent on his army before him through
the interior of the country. The commander also followed
himself with a great number of horse and foot. The king
also himself came from Samaria, 1 and brought with him

1 Sebustieh.

CHAP. XVI.]

ANTIQUITIES OP THE JEWS.

75

no small army, besides that which had been there long
before, for they were about thirty thousand : and they all
mustered together at the walls of Jerusalem, and encamped
near the north wall of the city, being now an army of eleven
legions of foot, and six thousand horse, besides reinforce¬
ments from Syria. The generals were two, Sossius sent by
Antony to assist Herod, and Herod on his own account, in
order to take the government from Antigonus (who was
declared an enemy to Home) and that he might himself
be king according to the decree of the senate.

§ 2. Now the Jews that were enclosed within the walls
of the city fought against Herod with great energy and
zeal (for the whole nation was gathered together); they
also gave out many prophecies about the temple, and fore¬
told many things agreeable to the people, as if God would
deliver them out of the dangers they were in ; they had also
carried off whatever they could that was outside the city,
that they might not leave anything to afford sustenance
either to men or beasts, and by private robberies they made
the want of necessaries greater. When Herod observed
this, he set ambushes in the fittest places against their
private robberies, and sent legions of armed men to bring
in provisions, and that from remote places, so that in a little
time they had great plenty of necessaries. Now the three
bulwarks were easily erected, because so many hands were
continually at work upon them ; for it was summer time,
and there was nothing to hinder their erection, either from
the atmosphere or from the workmen: so they brought
their engines to bear, and shook the walls of the city, and
tried all manner of ways to get in. However, they did not
terrify those within, but they also contrived not a few
engines to oppose their engines with. They also sallied
out, and burnt not only those engines that were not com¬
pleted, but those that were ; and when they fought hand to
hand, their daring was not less bold than that of the
Romans, though they were behind them in skill. They
also erected new works when the former ones were de¬
molished, and making mines underground, met each other
in battle there; and in reckless daring rather than pru¬
dence, they persisted in this war to the very last: and that
though a mighty army lay round them, and they were dis-

76 THE WORKS OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XIV.

tressed by famine and want of necessaries, for it happened
to be a sabbatic year. The first that scaled the walls
were twenty picked men, the next were Sossius’s centu¬
rions, for the first wall was taken in forty days, and the
second in fifteen more, when some of the porticoes that were
round the temple were burnt, which Herod alleged were
burnt by Antigonus, in order to expose him to the hatred
of the Jews. And when the outer court of the temple and
the lower part of the city were taken, the Jews fled into
the inner court of the temple and into the upper part of
the city : but fearing that the Romans would hinder them
from offering their daily sacrifices to God, they sent an
embassage, and begged that they would permit them only
to bring in beasts for sacrifices, which Herod granted,
hoping they were going to yield; but when he saw that
they did nothing of what he expected, but bitterly opposed
him, in order to preserve the kingdom to Antigonus, he
made an assault on the city, and took it by storm. And
at once all parts of it were full of those that were slain by
the rage of the Romans at the long duration of the siege,
and by the zeal of the Jews that were on Herod’s side,
who were not willing to leave one of their adversaries
alive. So they were murdered continually in the narrow
streets and in the houses by crowds, and as they were
fleeing to the temple for shelter, and there was no pity
taken either of infants or the aged, nor did they spare so
much as the weaker sex; nay, although the king sent
round, and besought them to spare the people, yet none
restrained their hand from slaughter, but, as if they were
a company of madmen, they fell upon persons of all ages
without distinction. At last Antigonus, without regard to
either his past or present circumstances, came down from
the citadel, and fell down at the feet of Sossius, who took
no pity on him in this change of fortune, but insulted
him beyond measure, and called him Antigone [i.e., a
woman and not a man] ; however, he did not treat him as
if he were a woman by letting him go free, but put him
into bonds and kept him in close custody.

§ 3. And now Herod, having overcome his enemies, had
to check those foreigners who had been his allies, for the
crowd of strangers rushed to see the temple and the sacred

CHAP. XVI.] ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

77

things in the sanctuary. But the king thinking victory a,
more severe affliction than defeat, if any of those things
which it was not lawful to see should be seen by them,
used entreaties and threatenings, and sometimes even force
itself, to restrain them. He also stopped the plundering
that was going on in the city, and many times asked
Sossius, whether the Bomans would empty the city both of
money and men, and leave him king of a desert ? and told
him, that he esteemed the dominion over the whole world
as by no means an equivalent for such a wholesale murder
of his citizens; and when Sossius said, that this plunder
was justly permitted the soldiers in return for the siege
they had undergone, he replied, that he would give every
one a reward out of his own money, and so he redeemed
what remained of the city from destruction. And he per¬
formed what he promised, for he gave a handsome present
to every soldier, and proportionally to their commanders,
and a most royal present to Sossius himself, so that all
went away with plenty of money.

§ 4. This destruction befell the city of Jerusalem when
Marcus Agrippa and Caninus Gallus were consuls at Borne,
in the hundred and eighty-fifth Olympiad, 1 in the third
month, on the solemn fast day, as if a cycle of calamity had
come round since that which befell the Jews under Pompey,
for the Jews were taken by Sossius on the same day twenty-
seven years after. And when Sossius had dedicated a
crown of gold to God, he marched away from Jerusalem,
taking Antigonus with him in bonds to Antony. But
Herod was afraid that Antigonus would be kept in bonds
and carried to Borne by Antony, and might get his cause
heard by the senate, and might show, as he was himself of
the royal blood, and Herod but a private man, that it be¬
longed to his sons to have the kingdom, on account of
their family, if he had himself offended the Bomans by
what he bad done. Herod fearing this, by giving Antony
a great deal of money, persuaded him to have Antigonus
slain, which being done, he was free from fear. And thus
did the reign of the Asamonaeans cease, a hundred and
twenty-six years after it was first set up. This family

1 In b.c. 37.

78

THE WORKS OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XV.

was a splendid and an illustrious one, not only on account
of the nobility of its stock and the dignity of the high
priesthood, but also for the glorious actions its ancestors
had performed for our nation. However they lost the
kingdom by their dissensions with one another, and it was
transferred to Herod the son of Antipater, who was of a
common family, and of private extraction, and a subject
of the kings. And this is what history tells us of the end
of the Asamonsean family.

BOOK XV.

CONTAINING THE INTERVAL OF EIGHTEEN TEARS.-FROM

THE DEATH OF ANTIGONUS TO THE FINISHING OF THE
TEMPLE BT HEROD.

CHAP. I.

Concerning Pollio and Sameas. Herod slays the principal
of Antigonus ’ Friends, and spoils the City of its Wealth.
Antony beheads Antigonus.

§ L

TJ" OW Sossius and Herod took Jerusalem by storm, and
}l0W they also took Antigonus captive, has been re¬
lated by me in the previous book. I shall now proceed
in the narrative. Since Herod had now the government
of all Judaea put into his hands, he promoted such of
the private men in the city as had been of his party,
but never left off punishing and revenging himself every
day on those that had chosen the party of his enemies.
But Pollio th.e Pharisee, and Sameas a disciple of Pollio,
were honoured by him above all the rest, because when
Jerusalem was besieged, they had advised the citizens to
receive Herod, for which advice they were well recruited.
How this Sameas, at the time when Herod was once upon
his trial of life and death, foretold Hyrcanus and the other

CHAP, I.]

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

79

judges reproachingly that this Herod, if they suffered him
to escape, would afterwards avenge himself on them all.
This prediction had its fulfilment in time, when God made
good the words Sameas had spoken.

§ 2. At this time Herod, now that he had got Jerusalem
in his power, carried off all the royal ornaments, and also
spoiled the wealthy men of what they had got, and when
he had heaped together by these means a great quantity of
silver and gold, he gave it all to Antony and his friends
that were about him. He also put to death forty-five of the
principal men of Antigonus’ party, and set guards at the
gates of the city, that nothing might be carried out with their
dead bodies. They also searched the dead, and whatever was
found on them, either silver or gold or other treasure, was
carried to the king. Nor was there any end of the miseries
he brought upon them, and this distress was partly occa¬
sioned by Herod’s own covetousness, who was still in want
of more, and partly by the sabbatic year, which was on,
which forced the country to lie uncultivated, since we are
forbidden to sow the land in that year. Now when Antony
had received Antigonus as his captive, he had determined
to keep him in bonds till his triumph; but when he heard
that the nation was growing rebellious, and that they con¬
tinued to bear good-will to Antigonus, because of their
hatred to Herod, he resolved to behead him at Antioch, for
otherwise the Jews could no way be brought to be quiet.
And Strabo of Cappadocia 1 bears out what I have said,
where he speaks as follows. “Antony ordered Antigonus
the Jew to be brought to Antioch, and there beheaded him :
and this Antony seems to me to have been the first of the
Romans that beheaded a king, supposing he could in no
other way bend the minds of the Jews to receive Herod,
whom he had made king in his stead ; for by no tor¬
ments could they be forced to call him king, so great a
fondness had they for their former king. So he thought
that this dishonourable death would diminish the value
they had for Antigonus’ memory, and at the same time
would dimish the hatred they bore to Herod.” Thus far
Strabo.

1 Strabo was born at Amasia, in Pontus.

80

THE WORKS OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XV.

CHAP II.

How Hyrcanus was set at liberty by the Parthians, and re¬
turned to Herod, and what Alexandra did when she heard
that Ananelus was made High Priest.

§ I-

N OW after Herod got possession of the kingdom, Hyr¬
canus the high priest (who was then a captive among
the Parthians) hearing of it returned to him, being set free
from his captivity in the following manner. Barzapharnes
and Pacorus, the generals of the Parthians, took Hyrcanus,
who was first made high priest and afterwards king, and
Herod’s brother Phasaelus, captives, and intended to carry
them away into Parthia. Phasaelus, indeed, could not
bear the reproach of being in bonds, and thinking that
death with glory was better than any life whatever, com¬
mitted suicide, as I have formerly related.

§ 2. But when Hyrcanus was brought into Parthia, the
king Phraates treated him in a very kind manner, having
already learned of what an illustrious family he was; on
which account he set him free from his bonds, and allowed
him to dwell at Babylon, 1 where there was a quantity
of Jews. These Jews honoured Hyrcanus as their high
priest and king, as did all the Jewish nation that dwelt
as far as the Euphrates ; which was very much to his
satisfaction. But when he was informed that Herod had
received the kingdom, new hopes came upon him as having
been himself from the beginning of a kind disposition
towards him, and he expected that Herod would bear in
mind the favour he had received from him when he was
upon his trial, for when he ran risk of a capital sentence
being pronounced against him, he delivered him from

1 The city here called Babylon by Josephus, seems to be one which
was built by some of the Seleucidae upon the Tigris, which long after
the utter desolation of Old Babylon was commonly so called, and I sup¬
pose not far from Seleucia; just as the latter adjoining city Bagdat
has been often called by the same old name of Babylon to this very
day.—W.

CHAP. II.]

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

81

that risk and from all punishment. Accordingly, he
talked of that matter with the Jews who often came to him
from their great affection to him. But they endeavoured
to retain him among them, and desired that he would
stay with them, reminding him of the services and honours
they had done him, and that those honours they paid him
were not at all inferior to what they could pay to either
their high priests or their kings; and what was a greater
motive to determine him, they argued, was this, that he
could not have those dignities [in Judaea] because of that
mutilation on his body, which had been inflicted on him by
Antigonus. They said also that kings did not usually re¬
quite men for those kindnesses which they received when
they were private persons, the height of their fortune pro¬
ducing usually no small change in them.

§ 3. Now although they suggested these arguments to
him for his own advantage, yet did Hyrcanus still desire
to depart. Herod also wrote to him, and begged him to
ask Phraates and the Jews that were there not to
grudge him the royal authority, which he should have
jointly with himself, for now was the proper time to make
him a return for the favours he had received from him,
having been brought up by him, and saved alive by him
also, and for Hyrcanus to receive it. As he wrote thus to
Hyrcanus, so did he also send his ambassador Saramallas to
Phraates with many presents, and begged him in the most
obliging way to be no hindrance to his gratitude towards
his benefactor. But this zeal of Herod’s did not flow from
the principle of gratitude, but because he had been made
king of Judaea without having any just claim to that posi¬
tion, he was afraid, and that upon reasons good enough, of
a change in his condition, and so was anxious to get Hyr¬
canus into his power, or indeed to put him quite out of the
way: which last thing he compassed eventually.

§ 4. However, when Hyrcanus came full of assurance,
on the permission of the king of Parthia, and at the
expense of the Jews who supplied him with money, Herod
received him with all possible respect, and gave him the
upper place at public meetings, and set him above all the
rest at feasts, and thereby deceived him, calling him father,
and endeavouring in all possible ways that he might have

III. o

82

THE WORKS OF FLAVIXJS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XV.

no suspicion of any treacherous design against him. He
also did other things, in order to secure his power, which
occasioned strife in his own family ; for being wary
how he made any illustrious person the high priest of
God, he sent for an obscure priest from Babylon, whose
name was Ananelus, and bestowed the high priesthood
upon him.

§ 5. Now Alexandra the daughter of Hyrcanus, and wife
of Alexander (the son of king Aristobulus), who had chil¬
dren by Alexander, could not from the first bear this out¬
rage. Her son was of the greatest comeliness, and was
called Aristobulus; and her daughter, Mariamne, married
to Herod, was eminent for her beauty also. Alexandra
was much disturbed, and took this indignity offered to her
son exceedingly ill, that while he was alive, any foreigner
should have the dignity of the high priesthood conferred
upon him. So she wrote to Cleopatra (a musician assist¬
ing her in taking care to have her letter transmitted) to
desire her intercession with Antony, in order to gain the
high priesthood for her son.

§ 6. But as Antony was slow in granting this request,
his friend Dellius who came into Judaea upon some affairs,
when he saw Aristobulus, marvelled at the tallness and
handsomeness of the lad, and no less at Mariamne the
king’s wife, and was open in his commendations of Alex¬
andra, as the mother of most beautiful children. And when
she had a conversation with him, he urged her to get pic¬
tures drawn of them both, and to send them to Antony, for
he said Antony, when he saw them, would deny her nothing
that she should ask. And Alexandra was elated with these
words of his, and sent their pictures to Antony. Dellius also
talked extravagantly, and said, that those children seemed
not derived from men, but from some god or other. His
design in doing so was to entice Antony into lewd pleasures
with them, who was ashamed to send for the damsel, as
being the wife of Herod, and avoided it also because of the
reproaches he would have from Cleopatra on that account,
but he sent in the most decent manner he could for the
young man, adding withal, “ Unless it would give offence.”
When this letter was brought to Herod, he did not think
it safe for him to send one so handsome as Aristobulus

■CHAP. II.] ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 83

was, in the prime of his life (for he was but sixteen
years of age) and of so nohle a family, and particularly to
Antony, the principal man among the Romans, and one
that would abuse him in his amours, being a man that
openly indulged himself in pleasure (as his power allowed
him) without control. He therefore wrote back to him,
that if the lad should only go out of the country, all would
he in a state of war and uproar, because the Jews were in
hopes of a change in the government, and of having another
king over them.

§ 7 . When Herod had thus excused himself to Antony,
he resolved that he would not leave either the lad or Alex¬
andra entirely without honour, and his wife Mariamne was
vehemently at him to restore the high priesthood to her
brother, and he judged it was for his advantage so to do,
because, if he once had that dignity, he could not go out
of the country. So he called all his friends together, and
brought many charges against Alexandra, and said that
she had privately conspired against his royal authority, and
had endeavoured by means of Cleopatra so to bring it about
that he might be deprived of the government, and that by
Antony’s means Aristobulus might have the management of
public affairs in his stead, and that this wish of hers was
unjust, since she would at the same time deprive her
daughter of the dignity she now had, and would bring dis¬
turbances upon the kingdom, for which he had taken a
great deal of pains, and had got it by undergoing extraor¬
dinary dangers. He said also that, though he well remem¬
bered her wicked practices, he would not leave off doing
what was right himself, but would even now give the youth
the high priesthood, and that he had formerly set up Anane-
lus, only because Aristobulus was then so very young a boy.
Now when he had said this, not at random, but (as he
meant) most advisedly, in order to deceive the women and
those friends whom he had taken into consultation, Alex¬
andra, from the great joy she had at this unexpected
promise, and from fear at the suspicions she lay under,
fell a-weeping, and made the following apology for herself.
She said, that as to the high priesthood, she was very
much concerned at the slight put on her son, and so used
her utmost endeavours to procure it for him, but that as to

84

THE WORKS OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XV.

the kingdom she had made no attempts, and if it were
offered her she would not accept it, for now she had enough
honour, and as Herod himself occupied the throne, she had
thereby security from his exceptional ability in governing
for all her family. She added that she was now overcome
by his benefits, and thankfully accepted the honour for her
son, and would hereafter be entirely obedient; and she de¬
sired him to excuse her, if the nobility of her family and
her freespokenness had made her act too precipitately from
her indignation. When they had spoken thus to one
another, they came to a mutual understanding, and all sus¬
picion, as far as appearances went, vanished away.

CHAP. III.

How Herod , upon his making Aristobulus High Priest, took
care that he should be murdered in a little time : and what
apology he made to Antony about Aristobulus; as also
concerning Joseph and Mariamne.

§ 1 .

S O king Herod immediately took the high priesthood
away from Ananelus, who, as I said before, was not a
native of our country, but was descended from one of those
Jews that had been carried captive beyond the Euphrates.
For not a few myriads of our people had been carried
away captive, and dwelt in Babylonia, whence Ananelus
came, who was of the stock of the high priests, and had
been of old a particular friend of Herod; who when he was
first made king, conferred that dignity upon him, and now
took it away from him again, in order to quiet the troubles
in his family, though what he did was plainly unlawful. For
at no period had any one that had once been in that dignity
been deprived of it, till Antiochus Epiphanes first broke the
law, and deprived Jesus, and made his brother Onias high
priest in his stead. Aristobulus was the second that did
so, and took that dignity from his brother Hyrcanus: and
Herod was the third, who took that high office away [from
Ananelus], and gave it to the lad Aristobulus in his stead

CHAP. III.]

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

85

§ 2. And now Herod seemed to have healed the divisions
in his family ; yet was he not without suspicion, as is fre¬
quently the case after an apparent reconciliation, for he
thought that, as Alexandra had already made attempts
tending to innovation, he had reason to fear that she would
go on therein, if she found a fit opportunity for so doing.
So he ordered her to dwell in the palace, and meddle with
no public affairs: her guards also watched her so, that
nothing she did in private life every day was concealed. All
this put her out of patience, by little and little, and she
began to hate Herod. For as she had the pride of a
woman to the utmost degree, she had great indignation at
this suspicious guard that was about her, being desirous
rather to undergo anything that could befall her than to
be deprived of her liberty of speech, and, under the specious
pomp of a guard of honour, to live in a state of slavery and
terror. She therefore sent to Cleopatra, and made a long
complaint of the circumstances she was in, and entreated
her to do her utmost for her assistance. Cleopatra there¬
upon advised her to take her son with her, and escape
immediately to her into Egypt. This advice pleased her,
and she planned the following contrivance for getting
away : she got two coffins made, as if they were to carry
away two dead bodies, and put herself into one, and her
son into the other, and gave orders to such of her servants
as knew of her intentions to carry them away in the night¬
time. How their road thence lay to the sea-side, and there
was a ship ready to carry them into Egypt. Now ^sop,
one of her servants, happened to fall in with Sabbion, one
of her friends, and spoke of this matter to him, thinking
he already knew of it. When Sabbion got to know this,
(who had formerly been an enemy of Herod, and been
esteemed one of those that had plotted against and given
the poison to Antipater,) he expected that this discovery
would change Herod’s hatred into kindness, so he told the
king of this stratagem of Alexandra. And he suffered her
to proceed to the execution of her project, and caught her
in the very act of flight, but still passed by her offence:
for though he had a great mind to do so, he durst not
inflict any severe treatment upon her (for he knew that
Cleopatra would not bear that he should have her accused,

86

THE WORKS OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XV.

on account of her hatred to him), but made believe that it
was rather his generosity of soul, and great moderation,
that made him forgive her and her son. However, he fully
determined to put the young man out of the way, by one
means or other ; but he thought he would probably evade
notice in doing so, if he did not do it quickly, or imme¬
diately after what had just happened.

§ 3. So upon the approach of the feast of Tabernacles
(which is a festival very much observed among us) he let
those days pass over, and both he and the rest of the
people were very merry therein. Nevertheless the envy
which at this time arose in him, caused him to make haste
to do what he was about, and provoked him to do it. For
when the youth Aristobulus, who was now in the seventeenth
year of his age, went up to the altar, to offer the sacrifices
according to the law, and that in the dress of the high
priest, as he performed the sacred offices, he seemed to be
exceeding comely, and taller than men of his age usually
were, and to exhibit in his countenance a great deal of the
high family he was sprung from, and a warm zeal and
affection towards him appeared among the people, and tbe
memory of the actions of his grandfather Aristobulus evi¬
dently came to their minds. And their affections got so far
the mastery of them, that they could not conceal their
feelings. They at once rejoiced and grieved, and mingled
with good wishes the joyful acclamations which they made
to him, till the good-will of the multitude was made too
evident, and they proclaimed the happiness they had re¬
ceived from his family more rashly than it was fit under a
monarchy to do. In consequence of all this Herod resolved
to carry out his intention against the young man. When,
therefore, the festival was over, and he was feasting at
Jericho with Alexandra, who entertained him there, he was
very pleasant with the young man, and drew him into a lonely
place, and at the same time played with him in a juvenile
and ludicrous manner. Now the temperature of that place
was hotter than ordinary ; so they soon went out en masse
from languor, and as they stood by the fish ponds, of which
there were several large ones about the house, they pro¬
ceeded to cool themselves [by bathing], because it was the
noon of a very hot day. At first they were only spectators

CHAP. III.]

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

87

of Herod’s servants and acquaintances as they were swim¬
ming, but after a while, the young man, at the suggestion
of Herod, went into the water among them, while such of
Herod’s acquaintances as he had appointed to do so ducked
him, as he was swimming, and plunged him under water,
as the darkness came on, as if it was in sport only, nor did
they desist till he was entirely suffocated. And thus was
Aristobulus murdered, having lived no more in all than
eighteen years, and had the high priesthood one year only,
and Ananelus now got back the high priesthood again.

§ 4. When what had happened was told the women,
their joy was soon changed to lamentation at the sight of the
dead body that lay before them, and their sorrow was im¬
moderate. The city also on the spreading of this news
was in very great grief, every family looking on this
calamity as if it belonged not to another, but one of them¬
selves had died. But Alexandra was more deeply affected,
upon her knowledge of her son’s death. Her sorrow was
greater than that of others, by her knowing how the
murder was committed, but she was under a necessity of
bearing up under it, from the prospect of greater mischief
that might otherwise follow. Indeed she often thought of
killing herself with her own hands, but still she restrained
herself, in hopes she might live long enough to revenge the
unjust murder thus ingeniously committed; nay, she
further resolved to endeavour to live longer, and to give
no occasion to let it be thought she suspected her son was
slain on purpose, and supposed that she might thereby be
in a position to revenge it at a fit opportunity. Thus
did she restrain herself, that she might not be thought to
entertain any such suspicion. And Herod plausibly con¬
trived that none abroad should believe that the lad’s death
was caused by malice prepense, so he not only used the
ordinary signs of sorrow, but shed tears also, and exhibited a
real confusion of soul: and perhaps his emotions overcame
him, when he saw the lad’s countenance, so young and so
beautiful, although his death was supposed to tend to his
own security; so far at least this grief served as to make
some apology for him. Moreover he took care that his
funeral should be very magnificent, by making great pre¬
paration for a sepulchre to lay his body in, and by provid-

88 THE WORKS OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XV.

ing a great quantity of spices, and by burying many orna¬
ments with him, till the very women, who were in such
deep sorrow, were astonished at his conduct, and received
in this way some consolation.

§ 5. However, no such things could overcome Alexan¬
dra’s grief, but the remembrance of this tragedy made
her sorrow both deep and obstinate. And she wrote an
account of Herod’s treacherous behaviour to Cleopatra,
and how her son was murdered; and Cleopatra, who had
even formerly been desirous to give her what satisfaction
she could, commiserating Alexandra’s misfortunes, made
the case her own, and would not let Antony be quiet, but
egged him on to punish the lad’s murder; for she said it
was an unworthy thing that Herod, who had been made
king by him of a kingdom that no way belonged to him,
should be guilty of such horrid crimes against those that
were the kings de jure. Antony was persuaded by these
arguments, and when he went to Laodicea, he sent and
commanded Herod to come and make his defence as to
what he had done to Aristobulus, for he said that such a
treacherous design was not well done, if he had any hand
in it. Herod was now afraid both of this charge, and of
Cleopatra’s ill-will to him, which was such, that she was
ever endeavouring to make Antony hate him. He, there¬
fore, determined to obey his summons, for he had no
possible way to avoid it: and he left his uncle Joseph regent
and at the head of public affairs, and gave him a private
charge, that if Antony should kill him, he also should
kill Mariamne immediately; for he said he had a tender
affection for his wife, and was afraid of the injury that
would be offered him, if, after his death, she, for her
beauty, should be courted by some other man. But his
intimation was nothing but this at bottom, that Antony
had fallen in love with her because he had formerly
casually heard of her beauty. And when Herod had
given Joseph this charge, and had, indeed, no sure hopes
of escaping with his life, he set out for Antony.

§ 6. Now as Joseph administered the public affairs of
the kingdom, and for that reason was very frequently with
Mariamne, both because his business required it, and be¬
cause of the respect he ought to pay to the queen, he fre-

CHAP. III.]

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

89

quently fell into discourse about Herod’s great love and
affection towards her. And when the women, and es¬
pecially Alexandra, rallied him on his words in feminine
manner, Joseph was so over desirous to show the king’s state
of mind, that he proceeded so far as to mention the charge
he had received, and thence drew his proof that Herod
was not able to live without her, for if he should come to
an ill end, he could not endure a separation from her,
even after he was dead. Thus spoke Joseph. But the
women, as was natural, did not take this to be a proof of
Herod’s strong affection for them, but of his savageness,
that they could not escape destruction, nor a tyrannical
death, even when he was dead himself, so that this com¬
munication made them entertain grave suspicion of Herod.

§ 7. Meantime a report went about the city of Jerusa¬
lem, set in motion by Herod’s enemies, that Antony had
tortured Herod and had him put to death. This report,
as was natural, agitated those that were in the palace,
but chiefly the women. And Alexandra endeavoured to
persuade Joseph to go out of the palace, and flee to the
ensigns of the Roman legion, which then lay encamped
about the city as a guard to the kingdom, under the com¬
mand of Julius; for so, if any disturbance should happen
in the palace, they would be in greater security, having
the Romans favourable to them ; they hoped also to obtain
the highest authority, if Antony did but once see Mariamne,
by whose means they might recover the kingdom, and want
nothing which it was natural for them to hope for because
of their royal extraction.

§ 8. But as they were in the midst of these deliberations,
a letter arrived from Herod about all his affairs, and
proved contrary to the report, and to what they had an¬
ticipated. For when he was come to Antony, he soon re¬
covered his interest with him, through the presents he had
brought for him from Jerusalem, and soon induced him,
upon conversing with him, to leave off his indignation at
him, so that Cleopatra’s words had less force than the
arguments and presents he brought to regain his friend¬
ship. And Antony said that it was not good to require
an account of a king as to the management of his kingdom,
for at this rate he could be no king at all, but those who

90

THE WOBKS OP FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XV.

had given him that authority ought to permit him to
make use of it. He also said the same to Cleopatra, and
told her that it would be best for her not to inquire too
closely into the acts of princes. Herod wrote home an
account of all this, and enlarged upon the other honours
which he received from Antony, how he sat by him on the
judgment seat, and feasted with him every day, and enjoyed
those favours from him, notwithstanding the calumnies of
Cleopatra, who having a great desire for his country, and
earnestly entreating Antony that the kingdom might be
given to her, laboured with the utmost diligence to get him
out of the way. He added that he still found Antony just to
him, and had no longer any apprehensions of harsh treat¬
ment from him; and that he should soon return, with a
firmer assurance of his favour to him in his reign and
management of public affairs ; and that there was no
longer any hope for Cleopatra’s cupidity, as Antony had
given her Ccele-Syria instead of what she desired, by
which means he had at once pacified her, and got rid of
the entreaties which she made to him for Judaea to be
bestowed upon her.

§ 9. When this letter was brought, the women abandoned
their project of fleeing to the Romans, when Herod was
supposed to be dead, yet was not that purpose of theirs a
secret; for when the king had conducted Antony on his
way against the Parthians, he returned to Judaea, where
both his sister Salome and his mother informed him at
once of Alexandra’s intentions. Salome also added further
the calumny against her own husband Joseph that he had
often had criminal connexion with Mariamne. The reason
of her saying so was this, that she had for a long time borne
her ill-will, for when they had had disputes with one
another, Mariamne had with too much pride reproached her
and her mother with the meanness of their birth. But
Herod, whose affection to Mariamne was always very warm,
was at once greatly agitated at this, and could not bear his
torments of jealousy, but was restrained from doing any
rash thing to her by the love he had for her, yet did his
vehement affection and jealousy together make him ques¬
tion Mariamne by herself about this charge in connection
with Joseph. And she denied it upon her oath, and said all

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

91

CHAP. IV.]

that an innocent woman could possibly say in her own
defence, so that by little and little the king was prevailed
upon to drop his suspicion, and left off his anger at her; and
being overcome with his passion for his wife, he made an
apology to her for having seemed to believe what he had
heard about her, and made her many acknowledgments of
her modest behaviour, and confessed the great affection
and love he had for her, till at last, as is usual with
lovers, they both fell into tears, and embraced one another
with the most tender affection. But as the king gave
more and more assurances of his belief in her fidelity,
and endeavoured to draw her to a like confidence in him,
Mariamne said, “ The command thou gavest, that if any
harm came to thee from Antony, I, who had been no oc¬
casion of it, should perish with thee, was no sign of thy
love to me.” When these words had fallen from her, the
king was in a violent rage, and at once let her go out of
his arms, and cried out, and tore his hair with his hands,
and said that now he had a clear proof that Joseph had
had criminal connexion with her, for he would never have
uttered what he had been privately told, unless there had
been great familiarity and mutual understanding between
them. And while he was in this passion he had liked to have
killed his wife, but being overcome by his love for her, he
restrained this impulse, though not without lasting grief
and disorder of mind. However, he gave orders to slay
Joseph, without permitting him to come into his sight;
and as for Alexandra, he had her kept in custody, as the
cause of all this mischief.

CHAP. IV.

How Cleopatra, when she had got from Antony some parts of
Judcea and Arabia, came into Judcea; and how Herod
gave her many Presents, and conducted her on her way
back to Egypt.

§ 1 -

OW at this time the affairs of Syria were in confusion

■1 ’ owing to Cleopatra’s constantly urging Antony to
make an attempt upon everybody’s dominions. For she

92 THE WORKS OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XV.

kept urging him to take their dominions away from the
several princes, and bestow them upon her; and she had
a mighty influence upon him, because of his passion for
her. She was also by nature very covetous, and stuck at
no wickedness. She had already poisoned her brother,
because she knew that he would be king, when he was but
fifteen years old; and she got her sister Arsinoe to be
slain, by means of Antony, when she was a suppliant at
Diana’s temple at Ephesus. Indeed if there were but any
hopes of getting money, she would violate both temples
and sepulchres, nor was there any holy place, that waB
esteemed the most inviolable, from which she would not
strip the ornaments it had in it; nor any place so profane,
but would suffer the most flagitious treatment possible
from her, if it could but contribute somewhat to the
covetous humour of this abandoned creature. Tet did not
all this suffice so extravagant a woman, who was a slave
to her lusts, but she still imagined that she wanted every¬
thing she could think of, and did her utmost to gain it;
for which reason she was ever egging Antony on to de¬
prive others of their dominions, and give them to her.
And as she went over Syria with him, she purposed getting
it into her possession; so she slew Lysanias, the son of
Ptolemy, accusing him of bringing the Parthians into
those parts. She also petitioned Antony to give her
Judaea and Arabia, and desired him to take those countries
away from their present kings. As for Antony, he was so
entirely enthralled by the woman, that one would not think
her intimacy with him only could do it, but that he was
some way or other bewitched to do whatever she would
have him ; yet did her injustice when manifest make him
so ashamed, that he would not always hearken to her, to
do those flagrant enormities she would urge him to. That
therefore he might not either totally deny her, or, by
doing everything which she enjoined him, appear openly
to be an unjust man, he took some parts only of each of
those countries away from their rulers, and gave them to
her. Thus he gave her the cities that were on this side
the river Eleutherus 1 as far as Egypt, except Tyre and

1 The Nahr el-Kebtr , north of Tripolis.

CHAP. IV.]

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

98

Sidon, which he knew to have been free cities from their
ancestors, although she pressed him very often to bestow
those on her also.

§ 2. When Cleopatra had obtained thus much, and had
accompanied Antony in his expedition to Armenia as far as
the Euphrates, she returned back, and came to Apamea 1
and Damascus, and passed on to Judaea, where Herod
met her, and hired from her those parts of Arabia that had
been given to her, and those revenues that came to her
from the region about Jericho. This country bears that
balsam, which is the most precious thing that is there, and
grows there alone, and also palm-trees, both numerous
and excellent. When she was there, she was very often
with Herod, and endeavoured to have criminal intercourse
with him, nor did she affect secrecy in the indulgence of
such sort of pleasures; and perhaps she had some pas¬
sion for him, or rather (as is more probable) she laid a
treacherous snare for him if adulterous intercourse with
him resulted; however, upon the whole, she seemed over¬
come with love for him. Now Herod had a long while
borne no good-will to Cleopatra, knowing that she was a
woman troublesome to everybody, and at this time he
thought her particularly worthy of hatred, if her attempt
proceeded from lust; he also thought of preventing her
intrigues, if such were her motives, by putting her to
death. Ajnd he refused to comply with her proposals,
and called a council of his friends to consult with them,
whether he should not kill her, now he had her in his
power ? for he would thereby deliver from a multitude of
evils all those to whom she was already troublesome, and
was expected to be so also for the time to come ; and this
very thing would be much for the advantage of Antony
himself, since she would certainly not be faithful to
him, if any conjuncture or necessity should make him
stand in need of her fidelity. But when he thought of
this, his friends would not hear of it, but told him in the
first place that it was not right to attempt so great a thing,
and run himself thereby into the plainest danger ; and they
urged and begged of him to undertake nothing rashly, for

KaVat el-Medyk.

94 THE WORKS OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XV.

Antony would never stand it, no, not though any one
should evidently lay before his eyes that it was for his own
advantage; and that the idea of having lost her by this
violent and treacherous method, would probably set his
affections more in a flame than before. Nor did it appear
that Herod could offer any thing of tolerable weight in
his defence, this attempt being against a woman of the
highest dignity of any of her sex at that time in the
world ; and as to any advantage to be expected from such
an undertaking, if any such could be supposed in this case,
it would appear to deserve condemnation on account of the
insolence of carrying it out. These considerations made
it very plain that in so doing he would find his reign filled
with great and lasting mischiefs both to himself and his
posterity, whereas it was still in his power to reject the
wickedness she wanted to persuade him to, and to come
off honourably at the same time. By thus frightening
Herod, and representing to him the hazard he would, in
all probability, run by this undertaking, they restrained
him from it. So he paid court to Cleopatra, and made
her presents, and conducted her on her way to Egypt.

§ 3. But Antony subdued Armenia, and sent ArtabazeB,
the son of Tigranes, prisoner to Egypt with his sons and
satraps, and made a present of them and of all the royal
ornaments which he had taken out of that kingdom to
Cleopatra. But Artaxias, the eldest of his sons, who
escaped at that time, took the kingdom of Armenia, and was
afterwards ejected by Archelaus and Nero Csesar, when
they restored Tigranes, his younger brother, to that king-
dom : but this happened some time afterwards.

§ 4. Now as to the tribute which Herod was to pay
Cleopatra for the territory which Antony had given her,
he acted fairly with her, not deeming it safe for him to
give Cleopatra any reason to hate him. As for the king
of Arabia, whose tribute Herod also received, for some
time indeed he paid him the two hundred talents, but he
afterwards became very disaffected to him and slow in his
payments, and could hardly be brought to pay some
portion of it, and was not willing to pay even that without
fraud.

CHAP. T.J

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

95

CHAP. V.

How Herod made War with the King of Arabia, and after
they had fought many Battles, at length conquered him,
and was chosen by the Arabs to be Ruler of their Nation;
as also concerning a great Earthquake.

§ 1 -

HEREUPON Herod got ready to inarch against the

king of Arabia, because of his ill conduct, and be¬
cause he would no longer do what was just, but made the
Roman war an occasion of delay. For the battle off
Actium was now expected, which came off in the hun¬
dred and eighty-seventh Olympiad, in which Augustus
and Antony were to fight for the sovereignty of the world :
and Herod having enjoyed now for a long time a country
that was very fruitful, and having got great taxes and
resources, enlisted a body of men, and carefully furnished
them with all necessaries, as auxiliaries for Antony. But
Antony said he had no need of his assistance, but com¬
manded him to punish the king of Arabia (for he had
heard both from him and from Cleopatra of his perfidy).
Aud this was what Cleopatra desired, who thought it for her
own advantage that these two kings should mutually weaken
one another. On this message from Antony, Herod re¬
turned back, but kept his army with him, in order to in¬
vade Arabia immediately. And when his army of horse
and foot was ready, he marched to Diospolis, 1 where the
Arabians came to meet him, for they were not unapprized
of this war that was coming upon them; and after a well-
contested battle had been fought, the Jews had the victory.
But afterwards a numerous army of Arabians concentrated
at Cana, which is a place in Ccele-Syria. Herod was in¬
formed of this beforehand, so he marched against them
with most of the forces he had; and when he was come
near to Cana, he resolved to encamp himself, and began to
entrench his camp, that he might take an advantageous

1 Lydda, Ludd.

96 THE WORKS OP FLAVITJS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XV.

season for attacking the enemy; but as he was giving
those orders, the multitude of the Jews cried out, that he
should make no delay, but lead them at once against the
Arabians. They were impetuous for the fray because they
believed in their excellent discipline, and especially those
who had been in the former battle, and had been con¬
querors, and had not permitted the enemy so much as to
come to close quarters with them. And as they were bo
tumultuous, and showed such great zeal, the king resolved
to avail himself of the readiness the multitude then ex¬
hibited ; and when he had assured them he would not be
behindhand with them in courage, he led them on, and
was at their head in his armour, all the men following him
in their several ranks. And a panic fell at once upon
the Arabians; for when they perceived that the Jews
were not to be conquered, and were full of spirit, most
of them after a short resistance ran away and avoided
fighting, and they would have been cut to pieces, had
not Athenion fallen upon the Jews and Herod. He was
Cleopatra’s general over the soldiers she had in those
parts, and was at enmity with Herod, and very wistfully
looked on to see what the event of the battle would be:
for he had resolved, if the Arabians did anything that
was brilliant, to remain still, but if they were beaten,
as really happened, to attack the Jews with those forces
he had of his own, and with those that had flocked to
to him from that region. And he fell upon the Jews un¬
expectedly, and made a great slaughter of them, when
they were fatigued, and thought they had already van¬
quished the enemy. For as the Jews had spent their courage
upon their known enemies, and were about to enjoy them¬
selves in fancied security after the victory, they were easily
beaten by these that now attacked them, and received great
loss in ground which was stony, and where their horses
could not be of service, and where those that attacked them
were better acquainted with the ground than themselves.
And when the Jews had suffered this reverse, the Arabians
plucked up their spirits again and returned back and slew
those that were already routed: and indeed all sorts of
slaughter were now frequent, and of those that fled only
a few got back safe to the camp. And king Herod, as he

CHAP. V.] ANTIQUITIES OP THE JEWS. 97

despaired of the battle, rode off to them to bring them
assistance, however he did not come up in time enough to
do them any service, though he tried hard to do so, for
the Jewish camp was taken, so that the Arabians had un¬
expectedly a most glorious success, having gained that
victory which by themselves they were no way likely to have
gained, and having slain a great part of the enemy’s army.
And thenceforward Herod could only act like a private robber,
and make incursions into many parts of Arabia, and dis¬
tress them by sudden raids, encamping among the mountains,
and avoiding by any means coming to a pitched battle,
yet greatly harassing the enemy by his assiduity and the
pains he took in the matter. He also took great care of
his own men, and used all the means he could to correct
this reverse.

§ 2. Meantime the sea-fight happened off Actium, 1 be¬
tween Augustus and Antony, in the seventh year of the
reign of Herod; 2 and then it was also that there was
an earthquake in Judaea, such as had not happened at any
other time, and which brought a great destruction upon
the cattle in that country. About thirty thousand men
also perished by the fall of houses; but the army, which
lodged in the field, received no damage by this sad accident.
When the Arabians were informed of this, and when those
that hated the Jews took pleasure in exaggerating the
facts, they raised their spirits, as if their enemy’s country
was quite overthrown, and the men were utterly destroyed,
and thought there now remained nothing that could oppose
them. Accordingly, they seized on the Jewish ambassadors
(who came to them after all this had happened to make peace
with them) and slew them, and marched with great energy
against their army. And the Jews durst not withstand
them, and were so cast down by their calamities, that they
took no care of their affairs, but gave up themselves to

1 The promontory of Actium was at the entrance of the Ambraciot
Gulf, now the Gulf of Arta, and opposite the modern town of Prevesa.

2 The reader is here to take notice, that this ‘ seventh * year of the
reign of Herod, and all the other years of his reign, in Josephus, are
dated from the death of Antigonus, or at the soonest from the conquest
of Antigonus, and the taking of Jerusalem a few months before, and
never from his first obtaining the kingdom at Rome above three years
before, as some have very weakly and injudiciously done.—W,

III. H

98

THE WORKS OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XV.

despair, for they had no hope that they should be upon an
equality with them again in battle, nor obtain any assistance
elsewhere while their affairs at home were in such great
distress. When matters were in this condition, the king
tried to animate the commanders by his words, and to
raise their spirits which were quite sunk. And first he
endeavoured to encourage and embolden some of the better
sort, and then ventured to make a speech to the multitude,
which he had before avoided doing, lest he should find
them uneasy thereat, because of their reverses. And he
made an hortatory speech to the multitude in the following
words.

§ 3. “ You are not ignorant, fellow-soldiers, that we
have had not long since many reverses that have put a
stop to what we are about; and it is probable that even
those that are most distinguished above others for their
courage can hardly keep up their spirits in such circum¬
stances ; but since we cannot avoid fighting, and nothing
that has happened is of such a nature but it may by our¬
selves be restored to a good state by one brave action, I have
proposed to myself both to give you some encouragement
and at the same time some information, that you may still
continue in your fortitude. I will then, in the first place,
prove to you that this war is a just one on our side, and
a war of necessity owing to the outrages of our adversaries,
for if you be once satisfied of this, it will be the greatest
cause of zeal in you, after which I shall further prove
that the misfortunes we are in are of no great consequence,
and that we have the greatest reason to hope for victory.
I shall begin with the first, and appeal to yourselves as
witnesses of what I say. You are not ignorant certainly
of the lawlessness of the Arabians, who are as treacherous
to all other men, as barbarians wholly without conception
of God are likely to be. They have mostly come into con¬
flict with us from covetousness and envy, and they have
attacked us suddenly, when we were in disorder. And what
need is there for me to give many proofs of such being
their procedure ? But when they were in danger of losing
their independence, and of being slaves to Cleopatra, who
but we freed them from that fear ? For it was the friend¬
ship I had with Antony, and the kind disposition he

CHAP. V.]

ANTIQUITIES OP THE JEWS.

99

was in towards us, that was the reason that even these
Arabians were not utterly undone, Antony being un¬
willing to undertake anything which might be suspected
by us. And when he had a mind to bestow some parts
of each of our dominions on Cleopatra, I also managed
that matter so, that by giving him many presents of my
own, I might obtain security for both nations, while I
undertook myself to answer for the money, and gave
him two hundred talents, and became surety for two hun¬
dred more which were imposed upon the land that was
subject to this tribute; and this they have defrauded
us of. And yet it was not reasonable that Jews should
pay tribute to any man living, or allow part of their land
to be taxed, but even if it had been, yet ought we not
to pay tribute for those Arabians, whom we ourselves
preserved; nor is it fit that they, who have professed, and
that with great effusion and sense of our kindness, that it
is owing to us that they retain their independence, should
injure us, and deprive us of what is our due, and that
while we are not their enemies but their friends. And
whereas observance of covenants takes place even among
the bitterest enemies, and among friends is absolutely
necessary, it is not observed among these men, who think
gain to be the best of all things, let it be by any means
whatever, and that injustice is no harm, if they can but
get money by it. Is it therefore a question with you,
whether the unjust are to be punished or not, when Cod
wills this, and commands us ever to hate injuries and in¬
justice, and that when people are pursuing a not only just
but necessary war ? For these Arabians have done what
both the Creeks and barbarians own to be most lawless, for
they have beheaded our ambassadors, though the Creeks
declare that such ambassadors are sacred and inviolable,
and for ourselves, we have learned from Cod the most
excellent of our doctrines, and the most holy part of our
law by angels; for this name brings Cod to the knowledge
of mankind, and is able to reconcile enemies to one another.
What wickedness then can be greater than the slaughter of
ambassadors, who come to treat about doing what is right ?
And when such have been their actions, how is it possible
they can enjoy a tranquil life, or be successful in war? In my

100 THE WORKS OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [ BOOK XV.

opinion it is impossible. But perhaps some one will say,
that what is holy and righteous is indeed on our side, but
that the Arabians are more courageous, or more numerous
than we are. Now as to this, in the first place, it is not fit
for us to say so, for with whom is what is righteous, with
them is God himself, and where God is, there are both num¬
bers and courage. And to examine our own circumstances a
little, we were conquerors in the first battle, and when we
fought again, they were not able to oppose us, but ran
away, and could not endure our attack and courage; but
when we had conquered them, then came Athenion and
made war against us without declaring it. Pray, is this an
instance of their manhood, or a second instance of their
wickedness and treachery ? Why are we, therefore, of less
courage, on account of what ought to inspire us with
stronger hopes F and why are we terrified at those who,
when they fight fairly, are continually beaten, and when
they seem to be conquerors, gain the victory unfairly P
And if any one should deem them to be men of real courage,
will he not be excited by that very consideration to do his
utmost against them ? for true valour is not shown in fight¬
ing against weak persons, but in being able to overcome the
strongest. But if the distresses we are ourselves now
suffering from, and the miseries that have come from the
earthquake dismay any one, let him consider in the first
place, that this very thing will deceive the Arabians, who
will think that what has befallen us is greater than it
really is, and next that it is not right that the same thing
that emboldens them should discourage us. For these men,
you see, do not derive their courage from any advantage
of their own, but from their hope, as to us, that we are
quite cast down by our misfortunes; but if we boldly
march against them, we shall soon abate their insolent
self-conceit, and shall gain this by attacking them, that
they will not be so valiant when we come to the
battle. For our distresses are not so great, nor is what
has happened an indication of the anger of God against
us, as some imagine, for such things are accidental, and
adversities that come in the usual course of things: and
even if it happened by the will of God it is clear that it is now
over by his will also, and that he is satisfied with what has

CHAP. V.]

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

101

already happened, for had he been willing to afflict us still
more thereby, he would not have changed his mind so soon.
And as for the war we are engaged in, he has himself
shown that he is willing it should go on, and that he knows
it to be a just war ; for while some of the people in the
country perished by the earthquake, all you who were in
arms suffered nothing, but were all preserved alive : where¬
by God makes it plain that if you had all been in the
army, with your children and wives, you would not have
undergone anything that would have much hurt you. Con¬
sider these things, and, what is more than all the rest, that
you have God at all times for your protector, and go out
with a just bravery against these men, who in friendship
are false, in their battles perfidious, towards ambassadors
impious, and always inferior to you in valour.”

§ 4. When the Jews heard this speech, they were much
cheered in their minds, and more disposed to fight than
before. So Herod, when he had offered the sacrifices
appointed by the law, made haste, and took and led his
men against the Arabians ; and with a view to that, crossed
over the Jordan, and pitched his camp near the enemy.
He also thought it well to seize upon a certain fortress that
lay between the two armies, hoping it would be for his
advantage, and would the sooner pull on a battle, and if
the battle had to be postponed, he should by it have
his camp protected. And as the Arabians had the same
intentions upon that place, a contest arose about it:
at first they were but skirmishes, after which more sol¬
diers came up, and it proved a sort of fight, and several
fell on both sides, till those on the Arabian side were
beaten and retreated. This was no small encouragement
to the Jews immediately ; and when Herod observed that
the enemies’ army was disposed to anything rather than
to come to a general engagement, he ventured boldly to
attack their earthworks and demolish them, so to get
nearer to their camp, in order to fight them ; for when
they were forced out of their trenches, they went out in
disorder, and had not the least vigour or hope of victory.
Yet did they fight hand to hand, because they were more
in number than the Jews, and because they were in such
a strait that they were obliged to come on boldly: so

102

THE WORKS OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XV.

a terrible battle ensued, wherein not a few fell on each
side. However, at last the Arabians were routed and
fled ; and so great a slaughter was made on their being
routed, that they were not only killed by their enemies,
but became the authors of their own deaths also, and were
trodden down by the multitude, and by the great rush of
people in disorder, and fell under the weight of their own
armour. So five thousand men lay dead upon the spot,
while the rest of the multitude soon ran within their en¬
trenched camp, but had no firm hope of safety, because of
their want of necessaries, and especially want of water. The
Jews pursued them, but could not get in with them into
their entrenched camp, but invested it, and prevented the
entrance of any assistance to them, and also their coming
out that desired.

§ 5. When the Arabians were in these circumstances,
they sent ambassadors to Herod, first to propose terms
of accommodation, and afterwards to offer him (so press¬
ing was their thirst) to undergo whatever he pleased, if
he would free them from their present- distress. But he
would hear of no ambassadors, or ransom, or any mode¬
rate terms whatever, being very desirous of revenge for
their lawless conduct to his nation. So they were necessi¬
tated by other things, and particularly by their thirst, to
come out, and deliver themselves up to him, to be carried
away captives ; and in five days four thousand were taken
prisoners so, while all the rest resolved to make a sally upon
their enemies, and to fight it out with them, choosing
rather, if it so must be, to die so, than to perish ingloriously
by little and little. When they had taken this resolution,
they came out of their trenches, but could no way sustain
the fight, being too weak both in mind and body, and having
no room to fight gloriously, so they thought it an advan¬
tage to be killed, and a misery to survive ; accordingly on
the first onset there fell about seven thousand of them.
After this stroke they lost all the courage they had before,
and were amazed at Herod’s warlike spirit under his
calamities; and thenceforward they yielded, and made him
ruler of their nation; whereupon he was greatly elevated
at so seasonable a success, and returned home, having won
prestige from this valiant exploit.

CHAP. VI.]

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

103

CHAP. VI.

How Herod slew Hyrcanus, and then hastened away to
Augustus, and obtained the Kingdom from him also ; and
how, a little time afterwards, he entertained Augustus in a
most honourable manner.

§ 1 .

H EROD’S other affairs were now very prosperous, and
he was not open to attack on any side, yet did there
come upon him a danger that might hazard his entire
dominions, after Antony had been beaten at the battle off
Actium by Augustus. For at that time bothHerod’s enemies
and friends thought his fortunes desperate, for it was not
probable that he would remain without punishment, who
had shown so much friendship for Antony. So it happened
that his friends despaired and had no hopes of his escape,
and as for his enemies, they all outwardly appeared to be
troubled at his case, but were privately very glad at it, as
hoping to obtain a change for the better. As for Herod
himself, he saw that there was no one of royal rank left
but Hyrcanus, and therefore he thought it would be for
his advantage not to suffer him to be an obstacle in his
way any longer ; for if he himself survived, and escaped
the danger he was in, he thought it the safest way to put
it out of the power of a man, who was more worthy of the
kingdom than himself, to make any attempt against him
at such a juncture of affairs; and if he himself should
be put to death by Augustus, his envy prompted him to
slay the only man that would be king after him.

§ 2. While Herod had these things in view, an oppor¬
tunity was afforded him by Hyrcanus’ family. Hyr¬
canus himself was of so mild a temper, both then and
at other times, that he desired not to meddle with public
affairs, nor to concern himself with innovations, but left
all to fortune, and contented himself with what she
afforded him. But Alexandra [his daughter] was a lover
of contention, and was exceedingly desirous of change, and
urged her father not to bear for ever Herod’s injurious

104 THE WORKS OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XV.

treatment of their family, but to anticipate their future
hopes, as he safely might; and aSked him to write about
the matters to Malchus, who was then governor of Arabia,
and to ask him to receive them and protect them ; for if,
after their departure, Herod’s affairs proved to be as it would
likely they would be because of Augustus’ enmity to him,
they would then be the only persons that could take over the
kingdom, both on account of their royal blood, and the good
will of the multitude to them. When she urged this,
Hyrcanus rejected her suit, but as she was a very woman,
and a contentious woman too, and would not desist either
night or day, but would always be speaking to him about
it, and about Herod’s treacherous designs against them,
she at last prevailed on him to intrust Dositheus (one of
his friends) with a letter, wherein it was arranged that the
Arabian governor should send him some horsemen, who
should take and conduct him to the lake Asphaltites, 1
which is three hundred furlongs from the bounds of
Jerusalem. And he trusted Dositheus with this letter,
because he paid court to him and Alexandra, and had no
small reasons to bear ill-will to Herod: for he was a kins¬
man of Joseph, whom he had slain, and a brother of those
that had been formerly slain at Tyre by Antony. However,
these motives could not induce Dositheus to serve Hyr¬
canus faithfully in this affair, for he gave Herod the letter,
preferring the hopes he had from the present king to
those he might have from him. And he took his kindness
in good part, and bade him, besides doing what he had
already done, to go on serving him, by folding up the
letter and sealing it again, and delivering it to Malchus,
and then bringing back his letter in answer to it; for it
was very important for him to know Malchus’ intentions
also. And as Dositheus was very ready to serve him in this
point also, the Arabian governor returned back for answer,
that he would receive Hyrcanus and all his retinue, and
also all the Jews that were of his party : and that he
would, moreover, send forces sufficient to secure them on
their journey, and that he should be in no want of any¬
thing he should desire. Now, as soon as Herod had re-

The Dead Sea.

CHAP. VI.]

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

105

ceived this letter, he immediately sent for Hyrcanus, and
questioned him about the agreement he had made with
Malehus ; and, when he denied it, he showed his letter to
the sanhedrim, and had Hyrcanus put to death.

§ 3. We give the reader this account, because it is that
contained in the commentaries of king Herod. But other
historians do not agree with this, for they think that
Herod did not find, but rather made this an opportunity
for thus putting Hyrcanus to death, and that by treache¬
rously laying a snare for him. For they thus write ; that
Herod and he were once at a supper-party, and that Herod
had given no occasion to suspect [that he was displeased
with him,] but put this question to Hyrcanus, whether he
had received any letters from Malehus? and when he
answered, that he had received letters, but only letters of
civility, and when he asked further, whether he had not
received any present from him? and when he replied,
that he had received only four horses to ride on, which
Malehus had sent him ; they say that Herod charged this
upon him as proof of bribery and treason, and gave order
that he should be strangled. And in order to prove that
he had been guilty of no offence, when he was thus brought
to his end, they recount how mild his temper was, and how
even in his youth he had never given any signs of boldness
or rashness, aud that the case was the same when he came
to be king, for even then he committed the management of
most public affairs to Antipater; and that now he was
above fourscore years old, and knew that Herod’s throne
was in a secure state. He had also crossed the Euphrates,
and left those who greatly honoured him beyond that river,
to be entirely in Herod’s power. So it was a most in¬
credible thing that he should enterprise anything by way
of innovation, and not at all agreeable to his temper, so
they argue that the whole affair was a plot of Herod’s
contrivance.

§ 4. Thus did Hyrcanus end his life, after having under¬
gone various and manifold turns of fortune in his lifetime.
For he was made high priest of the Jewish nation in the
beginning of the reign of his mother Alexandra, who held
the government nine years; and when, after his mother’s
death, he took the kingdom himself, and held it three

106 THE WORKS OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XV.

months, he was ejected from it by his brother Aristobulus.
He was afterwards restored by Pompey, and received all
sorts of honours from him, which he enjoyed forty years;
but when he was again deprived by Antigonus, and muti¬
lated in his body, he was made a captive by the Parthians,
and thence returned home again after some time, on account
of the hopes that Herod had given him ; none of which came
to pass according to his expectation, but he still battled with
many misfortunes through the whole course of his life; and
what was the heaviest calamity of all, as I have related
already, he came to a bad end in his old age. He appears
to have been a man of a mild and moderate disposition in
all things, and to have suffered the administration of
affairs to be generally done by others under him. He was
averse to business, nor had he shrewdness enough to govern
a kingdom : and both Antipater and Herod came to their
greatness because of his mildness, and at last he met with
such an end from them as was not agreeable either to jus¬
tice or piety.

§ 5. Now Herod, as soon as he had put Hyrcanus out of
the way, made haste to Augustus; and because he could not
have any hopes of favour from him, on account of the
friendship he had had for Antony, he felt suspicious about
Alexandra, lest she should avail herself of this opportunity
to bring the multitude to revolt, and introduce rebellion
into the affairs of the kingdom ; so he committed the care
of everything to his brother Pheroras (placing his mother
Cypros, and his sister [Salome,] and the whole family, at
Masada'), and charged him, if he should hear any bad
news about him, to seize the government. As to Mariamne
his wife (because of the misunderstanding between her
and his sister and mother, which made it impossible for
them to live together), he placed her at Alexandrium 2 with
her mother Alexandra, and left his treasurer Joseph, and
Sohemus of Itursea, 3 to take care of that fortress. These
two had been very faithful to him from the beginning,
and were now left to guard the women under pretext of
paying them due respect. They also had it in charge,

1 Sebbeh. 2 Kefr 1st Ana.

3 The present district of JedAr, extending from Mount Hermon to¬
wards the Lqah.

CHAP. VI.]

ANTIQUITIES OP THE JEWS.

107

if they should hear any mischief had befallen Herod, to
kill them both, and as far as they were able to preserve
the kingdom for his sons, and for his brother Pheroras.

§ 6. When he had given them this charge he set out post
haste to Rhodes to meet Augustus, and when he had sailed
to that city, he took off his diadem, but remitted nothing else
that marked his rank. And when, upon his meeting Au¬
gustus, he desired that he would let him speak to him, he
therein exhibited much more the nobility of his great soul,
for he did not betake himself to supplications, as men
usually do upon 3uch occasions, nor did he offer any
petition as if he were an offender, but gave an account of
what he had done with impunity. He made the following
speech to Augustus. He said that he had had the greatest
friendship for Antony, and done everything he could that he
might be master of the world, that he was not indeed in the
army with him, because the Arabians had diverted him, but
that he had sent him both money and com, which was but
too little in comparison of what he ought to have done for
him. “ For,” (he added) “ if a man owns himself to be
another’s friend, and knows him to be a benefactor, he
ought to hazard everything, to use every faculty of his soul,
every member of his body, and all the wealth he has, for
him, in which I confess I have been too deficient. How¬
ever, I am conscious to myself that so far I have done
right, in that I did not desert him after his defeat at
Actium ; nor upon the evident change of his fortunes did
I transfer my hopes from him to another, but preserved
myself, though not as a valuable fellow-soldier, yet cer¬
tainly as a faithful counsellor to Antony, when I sug¬
gested to him that the only way that he had to save him¬
self, and not to lose all his authority, was to put Cleopatra
to death; for when she was once dead, there would have
been room for him to retain his authority, and I recom¬
mended him rather to bring thee to make a composition
with him, than to continue at enmity with thee any longer.
None of which advice would he attend to, but preferred his
own rash resolution, which has happened unprofitably for
him, but profitably for thee. Now therefore, in case thou
determinest about me, and my zeal in serving Antony,
according to thy anger at him, I cannot deny what I have

108

THE WORKS OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XV.

done, nor will I disown, and that publicly too, that I had a
great kindness for him; but if thou wilt put him out of the
case, and only examine how I behaved myself to my bene¬
factors in general, and what sort of friend I am, thou wilt
find by experience that I shall do and be the same to
thyself. For it is but changing the names, and the firm¬
ness of friendship that I shall bear to thee will not be
disapproved by thee.”

§ 7. By this speech, and by his behaviour, which showed
Augustus the openness of his mind, he greatly gained upon
him, as he was himself of a generous and noble character,
insomuch that those very actions, which were the founda¬
tion of the accusation against him, won him Augustus’
favour. Accordingly, he restored him his diadem again,
and exhorted him to show himself as great a friend to him
as he had been to Antony, and held him in great esteem.
Moreover he added that Quintus Didius had written to him,
that Herod had very readily assisted him in the affair of
the gladiators. So when he had obtained such a kind re¬
ception, and had, beyond all his hopes, got his crown more
entirely and firmly settled upon him than ever by Augus¬
tus’ gift, as well as by the decree of the Romans, which
Augustus took care to procure for his greater security, he
■escorted Augustus on his wav to Egypt, and made presents
even beyond his means to both him and his friends, and in
general behaved himself with great magnanimity. He also
begged that Augustus would not put to death one Alexander,
who had been a companion of Antony’s ; but Augustus had
sworn to put him to death, and so he could not obtain that
petition. And he returned to Judaea again with greater
honour and security than ever, and dismayed those that
had expected the contrary, acquiring from his very dangers
still greater splendour than before owing to the favour of
God to him. And he prepared at once for the reception of
Augustus, as he was going from Syria to invade Egypt; and
when he came, he entertained him at Ptolemais with all
royal magnificence. He also bestowed presents on the
army, and brought them provisions in abundance. He also
proved to be one of Augustus’ most cordial friends, and put
the army in array, and rode along with Augustus, and had
a hundred and fifty chambers, well appointed in all respects

CHAP. VII.J

ANTIQUITIES OP THE JEWS.

109

in a rich and sumptuous manner, for the better reception
of him and his friends. He also provided them with what
they would want especially as they passed over the desert,
insomuch that they lacked neither wine nor water, which
last the soldiers stood in the greatest need of. He also
presented Augustus with eight hundred talents, and made
all think that he was assisting them in a much greater and
more splendid degree than the kingdom he had obtained
could afford. Thus he more and more demonstrated to
Augustus the firmness of his friendship, and his readiness to
assist him ; and what was the greatest advantage to him
was that his liberalty came at a seasonable time also. And
when they returned back from Egypt, his assistance was
no way inferior to the good offices he had formerly done.

CHAP. VII.

How Herod slew Sohemus, and Mariamne, and afterwards
Alexandra, and Costobarus, and his most intimate Friends,
and at last the Sons of Babas also.

§ 1 -

H OWEVER, when he returned to his kingdom again, he
found his house all in disorder, and his wife Maria mn e
and her mother Alexandra very displeased. For, as they
supposed (as was natural enough), that they were not put
into that fortress [Alexandrium] for the security of their
persons, but as into a garrison for their imprisonment, and
that they had no power over anything, either of others or
of their own, they were very displeased; and Mariamne
supposing that the king’s love to her was rather pretended,
as advantageous to himself, than real, looked upon it as
feigned. She was also grieved that he would not allow her
any hopes of surviving him, if he should come to any harm
himself, and recollected the commands he had formerly
given to Joseph, so that she began to pay court to her
keepers, and especially to Sohemus, being well apprized how
all was in his power. And at first Sohemus was faithful
to Herod, and neglected none of the things he had en-

110 THE WORKS OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XV,

trusted to him ; but when the women, by kind words and
liberal presents, had gained his affections, he was by
degrees overcome, and at last disclosed to them all the
king’s injunctions, chiefly because he did not expect that
Herod would come back with the same authority he had
before; so that he thought he would escape any danger
from him, and would not a little gratify the women, who
were not likely to lose their present rank, and so would be
able to make him abundant recompense, since they would
either reign themselves, or be very near to him that did
reign. He had a further ground of hope also, in that,
though Herod should have all the success he could wish
for, and should return again, he could not contradict his
wife in what she desired, for he knew that the king’s fond¬
ness for Mariamne was inexpressible. These were the
motives that drew Sohemusto disclose the injunctions that
had been given him. And Mariamne was greatly displeased
to hear that there was no end of the dangers she was in
from Herod, and was very vexed at it, and wished he might
obtain no favours [from Augustus,] and esteemed it almost
unbearable to live with him any longer. Indeed she after¬
wards showed this very clearly, not concealing her resent¬
ment.

§ 2. And now Herod sailed home, in great joy at the un¬
expected good success he had had, and went first of all, as
was likely, to his wife, and told her the good news before
the rest, on account of his fondness for her, and the intimacy
there had been between them, and embraced her. But it
so happened, as he told her of the good success he had had,
that she was so far from rejoicing at it, that she was rather
sorry for it; nor was she able to conceal her resentment,
but, thinking of her dignity and the nobility of her birth,
on his embracing her she gave a groan, and showed evidently
that she rather grieved than rejoiced at his success, and
that till Herod was disturbed no longer by suspicion hut
proof evident of her dislike to him. It made him almost
mad to see that this unreasonable hatred of his wife to him
was not concealed, and he took it so ill, and was so unable
to bear it, on account of the fondness he had for her, that
he could not continue long in one mind, but sometimes was
angry at her, and sometimes reconciled to her; and by

CHAP. VII.] ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

Ill

always changing from one passion to another, he was in
great discomfort. And thus was he entangled between
hatred and love, and was frequently disposed to inflict
punishment on her for her contemptuous behaviour to
him ; but being deeply in love with her in his soul, he had
not the heart to get rid of her. In short, though he would
gladly have had her punished, yet was he afraid lest, ere he
were aware, he should, by putting her to death, bring un¬
awares a heavier punishment upon himself.

§ 3. When Herod’s sister and mother perceived that he
was in this state of miud with regard to Mariamne, they
thought they had now got an excellent opportunity to
satisfy their hatred against her, so they provoked Herod to
wrath by telling him such long stories and calumnies about
lner, as might at once excite both his hatred and jealousy.
iVow, though he willingly enough heard their words, yet he
b ad not courage enough to do anything to her, as if he be-
^ eved them. But still he became more ill-disposed to her,
j id their evil passions were more and more inflamed on
j 'tli sides, as she did not hide her dislike to him, and
! turned his love for her into wrath against her. But
c. len he was just on the eve of putting matters past all re¬
in edy, he heard the news that Antony and Cleopatra were
b< ith dead, and that Augustus was victor in the war, and
ha'd conquered Egypt, whereupon he made haste to go
and meet him, and left the affairs of his family statu
quc>. However, Mariamne recommended Sohemus to him,
as I he was setting out on his journey, and confessed that
she owed him thanks for the care he had taken of her, and
asked of the king a governorship for him, and accordingly
that honour was bestowed upon him. Now, when Herod was
come into Egypt, he enjoyed great freedom with Augustus,
as already a friend of his, and received very great favours
from him ; for he made him a present of those four hundred
Galatians who had been Cleopatra’s body-guards, and re¬
stored to him again that territory which had by her been
taken away from him. He also added to his kingdom
Gadara 1 and Hippos “ and Samaria 3 ; and besides these, the

1 Umm Keis.

3 Sebuslieh.

3 Susiyeh.

112 THE WORKS OP FLAVITJS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XV.

maritime cities of G-aza, 1 Anthedon, 2 Joppa, 3 and Strato’s
Tower. 4

§ 4. Upon these new acquisitions, Herod grew more mag¬
nificent, and escorted Augustus as far as Antioch; hut upon
return, in proportion as his prosperity was augmented by
the external additions that had been made to his kingdom,
so much the greater were the distresses that came upon
him in his own family, and chiefly in the affair of his
marriage, wherein he formerly appeared to have been most
fortunate. For the passion he had for Mariamne was no
way inferior to such passions as are famous in history, and
that on very good grounds ; while as for her, she was in other
respects chaste and faithful to him ; but she had somewhat
of the woman in her, and was haughty by nature, and treated
her husband imperiously enough, because she saw he wad
so fond of her as to be her slave. She did not also con l
sider (as would have been well) that she lived under at
monarchy, and was at another’s disposal, and so shf
would behave in a haughty manner to him, while hf
usually concealed his vexation, and bore her tantrums witU
moderation and good temper. She would also jeer at h»
mother and sister openly, and speak ill of them on ac¬
count of the meanness of their birth, so that there was
before this a disagreement and deadly hatred among tip
women, and it was now come to greater calumnies than
formerly. And these suspicions increased, and lasted a whqle
year after Herod returned from Augustus. And this hatred,
which had been kept under somewhat for a great while,
burst out all at once upon the following occasion. As ifhe
king one day about noon was laid down on his bed to rest,
he called for Mariamne out of the great affection he always
had for her. She came to him accordingly, but would not lie
with him though he was very desirous of her company,
but showed her contempt of him; and also twitted h|im
with having caused her father and brother to be slain.' And

1 Ghuzzeh.

2 Agrippias. Comp. Antiq. xiii. 13, § 3; xiv. 5, § 3.

3 Jaffa. 4 Caesarea Palaestina, Kaisarlyeh.

5 Whereas Mariamne is here represented as reproaching Herod with
the murder of her father [Alexander,] as well as her brother [Aris-
tobulus,] while it was her grandfather Hyrcanus, and not her father

CHAP. VII.]

ANTIQUITIES 0E THE JEWS.

113

as he took this contemptuous treatment very unkindly, and
was inclined to use violence to her, the king’s sister Salome,
observing that he was more than ordinarily put out, sent
to the king his cup-bearer, who had been prepared long
beforehand for such a design, and bade him tell the king
that Mariamne had asked him to give his assistance in pre¬
paring a love potion for him; and if he appeared to be
troubled, and asked what that love potion was, he was to
tell the king that she had the potion, and that he was asked
only to supply it, but in case he did not appear to be much
concerned about this potion, he was to let the matter
drop, for no harm would come to him. When she had
given him these instructions, she then sent him in to say
this. So he went in with a plausible and earnest manner,
and said that Mariamne had given him presents, and had
urged him to give the king a love potion. And when this
greatly moved the king, he said, that this love potion was
a composition she had given him, whose properties he did
not know, which was the reason of his resolving to give
him this information, as the safest course he could take,
both for himself and for the king. When Herod heard
this, being prejudiced against Mariamne before, his indig¬
nation grew more violent, and he ordered the eunuch of
Mariamne’s who was most faithful to her to be brought to
torture about this potion, well knowing that it was not
possible that anything great or small could be done with¬
out him. And when this man was iu the utmost agony he
could say nothing concerning the matter he was tortured
about, but that Mariamne’s hatred against Herod was
occasioned by something that Sohemus had told her. Now,
while he was still saying this, Herod cried out aloud, and
said that Sohemus, who had been at all other times most
faithful to him and to his throne, would not have disclosed
the injunctions he had given him, unless he had been un¬
duly intimate with Mariamne. So he gave orders that
Sohemus should be arrested and put to death immediately,
but he put his wife on her trial, and got together those

Alexander, whom he caused to be slain, (as Josephus himself informs
us, chap. 6, § 2,) we must either take Zonara’s reading, which is here
grandfather rightly, or else we must, as before,chap. 1, § I, allow a slip
of Josephus’ pen or memory in the place before us.—W.

III. I

114

THE WORKS OP FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XV.

who were most faithful to him, and made a formal accusa¬
tion against her as to this love potion and composition, which
had been laid to her charge calumniously. And he was in¬
temperate in his words, and was in too great a passion for
judging right about the matter; and so, when the court
was at last satisfied that he was so resolved, they passed sen¬
tence of death upon her: but when sentence had been passed
upon her, it was suggested by himself, and by some others
of the court, that she should not be thus hastily put to
death, but be imprisoned in one of the fortresses belonging
to the kingdom. But Salome and her party laboured hard
to have the poor woman put to death, and they prevailed
upon the king to do so, urging that the multitude would
be riotous if she were suffered to live. And so Mariamne
was led out to execution.

§ 5. When Alexandra saw how things went, and that
there was small hope that she herself would escape the
like treatment from Herod, she changed her behaviour
to quite the reverse of her former boldness, and that in a
very unseemly manner. For wishing to show how entirely
ignorant she was of the crimes laid against Mariamue, she
jumped up, and reproached her daughter in the hearing of
all the people; and cried out, that she had been peevish
and ungrateful to her husband, and that her punishment
came justly upon her for such insolent behaviour, for she
had not made a proper return to him who had been their
common benefactor. And when she had for some time
acted in this hypocritical manner, and even gone so far as
to tear her hair, this unseemly dissembling, as was to be
expected, was greatly condemned by the rest of the spec¬
tators, as was manifested still more bv the poor woman who
was to suffer; for she spoke to her not a single word, nor
did she seem disturbed or to regard her unfriendliness, yet
did she, in her greatness of soul, discover her concern for
her mother’s offence, and especially for her exposing her¬
self in a manner so unbecoming. As for herself, she went
to her death with unshaken firmness of mind, and without
changing colour, and so evidently showed the nobility of
her descent to the spectators even in the last moments of
her life.

§ 6. And thus died Mariamne, a woman of an excellent

115

CHAP. VII.] ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

character both for chastity and greatness of soul; but she
wanted moderation, and had too much of contentiousness
in her nature, but she surpassed all the women of her time
more than can be said in the beauty of her body and
charm of her society, which was the principal reason
why she did not prove so agreeable to the king, nor live so
pleasantly with him, as she might otherwise have done;
for as she was most indulgently used by the king, from his
fondness to her, and did not expect that he could do any
hard thing to her she took too excessive liberty. But what
most distressed her was what Herod had done to her rela¬
tions, and she ventured to speak out of all they had
suffered at his hands, and at last greatly provoked both
the king’s mother and sister (till they became enemies to
her), and also the king himself, on whom alone she relied
to escape extreme punishment.

§ 7. But when she was once dead, the king’s passion for
her was kindled more than before, he being such as I have
already described. Bor his love to her was not of a
calm nature, nor such as we usually meet with in other
husbands, for at its commencement it was enthusiastic,
nor was it weakened by long cohabitation and free inter¬
course. And now his love for Mariamne seemed to seize
him in such a peculiar way as looked like divine vengeance
upon him for taking away her life, for he would frequently
call for her, and frequently lament for her in a most
unseemly manner. Moreover, he bethought him of every¬
thing he could make use of to divert his mind from think¬
ing of her, and contrived feasts and company for that
purpose, but nothing would suffice; he therefore laid
aside the administration of public affairs, and was so over¬
come by his passion, that he would order his servants to
call for Mariamne, as if she were still alive, and could
hear. And when he was in this way, there arose a pesti¬
lential disease, that carried off many of the people, and
his most esteemed friends, and made all men suspect
that this was brought on them by the anger of G-od, for
the injustice that had been done to Mariamne. This
circumstance affected the king still more, till at length
he went into retirement, and, under a pretence of going
a hunting, bitterly mourned, and had not borne his grief

116 THE WORKS OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XV.

there many days before he fell into a most dangerous
illness. He had an inflammation upon him, and a pain in
the hinder part of his head, joined with madness; and the
remedies that were used did him no good at all, but proved
contrary to his case, and so at last his life was despaired
of. All the physicians also that were about him, partly
because the medicines they brought for his recovery could
not at all conquer the disease, and partly because his diet
could be no other than what his disease inclined him to,
desired him to take whatever he had a mind to, and so left
the small hopes they had of his recovery to the power of
that diet, and left him to fortune. And thus was lie ill at
Samaria, now called Sebaste. 1

§ 8. Now Alexandra lived at Jerusalem, and being in¬
formed of the condition Herod was in, endeavoured to get
possession of the fortified places that were about the city,
which were two, the one belonging to the city itself, the other
belonging to the temple; for whoever could get them into
their hands had the whole nation ever in their power, for
without the command of them it was not possible to offer
the sacrifices; and to think of leaving off those sacrifices is
to all Jews plainly impossible, for they are more ready to
lose their lives than to leave off the divine worship which
they have been wont to pay to God. So Alexandra told
those that had the keeping of those strongholds, that they
ought to deliver up the same to her and to Herod’s sons,
lest, upon his death, any other person should seize upon the
government; and if he recovered none could keep them
more safely for him than those of his own family. These
words were not taken by them at all in good part; and as
they had been in former times faithful [to Herod], they re¬
solved to continue so more than ever, not only because they
hated Alexandra, but also because they thought it a sort of
impiety to despair of Herod’s recovery while he was yet
alive. For they had been his old friends, and one of them,
whose name was Achiabus, was his cousin. They therefore
sent messengers to acquaint Herod with Alexandra’s de¬
sign ; and he without any delay gave orders to have her
put to death. And it was only with difficulty, and after he

1 Sebusiieh.

CHAP, VII.]

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

117

liad endured great pain, that he got rid of this illness. He
was still sorely afflicted both in mind and body, so that he
was very morose, and readier than ever upon all occasions
to inflict punishment upon those that fell under his power.
He also slew the most intimate of his friends, as Costo-
barus, and Lysimachus, and Gadias, who was also called
Antipater, as also Dositheus, for the following reason.

§ 9. Costobarus was an Idumsean by birth, and one of
principal dignity among them, and his ancestors had been
priests to the Koze, whom the Idumseans esteem a god ;
but after Hyrcanus had made a change in their polity, and
made them receive the Jewish customs and law, Herod
after he got the kingdom made Costobarus governor of
Idumaea and Gaza, and gave him his sister Salome to wife,
after putting to death Joseph, who had that government
before, as I have related already. When Costobarus had got
so highly advanced, it pleased him, being more than he had
hoped for, and he was more and more puffed up by his good
fortune, and in a little while he exceeded all bounds, and
did not think fit to obey what Herod his ruler com¬
manded him, or that the Idumaeans should adopt the
Jewish customs, or be subject to the Jews. He therefore sent
to Cleopatra, and informed her that the Idumseans had been
always under her progenitors, and for that reason it was but
just that she should ask that country of Antony, and added
that he himself was ready to transfer his friendship to her.
This he did, not because he was better pleased to be under
Cleopatra’s government, but because he thought that, upon
the diminution of Herod’s power, it would not be difficult
for him to obtain himself the entire rule over the Idumseans,
and somewhat more also; for he raised his hopes still
higher, as having no small advantages both from his
birth and those riches which he had got by his constant
attention to filthy lucre, and it was no small matter that
he aimed at. So Cleopatra asked this country of Antony,
but did not get it. An account of this was brought to
Herod, who was thereupon inclined to kill Costobarus, but
upon the entreaties of his sister and mother he let him
go, and vouchsafed to pardon him, though he was sus¬
picious of him ever afterwards for this attempt of his.

§ 10. But some time afterwards, when Salome happened

118

THE- WORKS OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XV.

to be at variance with Costobarus, she sent him at once a
bill of divorce, 1 and dissolved her marriage with him, though
this was not according to the Jewish laws. For with us it is
lawful for a husband to do so, but a wife, if she departs
from her husband, cannot herself marry another, unless her
former husband put her away. However, Salome chose to
follow not the law of her country, but the law of her own
will, and so renounced her wedlock, and told her brother
Herod that she left her husband out of good-will to him,
because she had found out that Costobarus and Antipater
and Lysimachus and Dositheus were raising a rebellion
against him : as an evidence whereof she alleged the case of
the sons of Babas, who had been preserved alive by him
twelve years, as proved to be the case. But when Herod thus
unexpectedly heard of this, he was greatly surprised at
it, and the more so because the affair appeared incredible
to him. For Herod had formerly taken great pains
to bring those sons of Babas to punishment, as being
enemies to his government, but they were now forgotten
by him, on account of the length of time between. Now,
the cause of his ill-will and hatred to them was because,
when Antigonus was king, Herod with his army besieged
the city of Jerusalem, where the distress and miseries
that the besieged endured were so harassing, that many
invited Herod into the city, and already placed their
hopes on him. But the sons of Babas, who occupied a
high position and had much influence with the multi¬
tude, were faithful to Antigonus, and were always calum¬
niating Herod, and encouraging the people to preserve
the kingdom to the royal family who held it by in¬
heritance. Now they acted thus for their own advan¬
tage, as they thought; but when the city was taken, and

1 Here is a plain example of a Jewish lady giving a bill of divorce to
her husband, though in the days of Josephus it was not esteemed lawful
for a woman so to do. See alike among the Parthians, Antiq. xviii. 9,

§ 6. However, the Christian law, when it allowed divorce for adultery,
Matt. v. 32, allowed the innocent wife to divorce her guilty husband, as
well as the innocent husband to divorce his guilty wife, as we learn
from the shepherd of Hermas, Mand. iv., and from the second Apology
of Justin Martyr, where a persecution was brought upon the Christians
upon such a divorce; and I think the Roman laws permitted it at that
time, as well as the laws of Christianity.— VV.

CHAP. Till.] ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

119

Herod had become master of the position, and Costobarus
was appointed to hinder men from passing out at the
gates, and to guard the city, that those citizens that were
guilty, and of the party opposite to the king, might not
get out of it, Costobarus, knowing that the sons of Babas
were held in respect and honour by the whole multitude,
and supposing that their preservation might be of great
advantage to him in any changes of government after¬
wards, took them out of the way, and concealed them on
his own estate. And when the thing was suspected, he
assured Herod upon oath that he really knew nothing of
the matter, and so allayed his suspicions. Moreover after
that, when the king had publicly proposed a reward for
their discovery, and devised all sorts of methods for
searching out the matter, he would not confess, but being
persuaded that, owing to his having at first denied it, he
would not escape unpunished, if the men were found, he
was forced to keep them secret, not only from his good¬
will to them, but from necessity. But when the king knew
the facts of the case from his sister’s information, he sent
men to the places where he had intimation they were con¬
cealed, and ordered both them, and those that were
accused as guilty with them, to be slain, so that now
there were none at all left of the kindred of Hyrca-
nus, and the kingdom was entirely in Herod’s own power,
and there was nobody remaining of such high position as
could interfere with what he did against the Jewish laws.

CHAP. vm.

How ten of the Citizens [of Jerusalem ] made a Conspiracy
against Herod, because of the foreign Practices he had
introduced, which was a Transgression of the Laws of
their Country. Concerning the building of Sebaste and
Casarea, and other Erections of Herod.

§ 1 -

T HIS was why Herod revolted from the laws of his
country, and corrupted our ancient polity, which
ought to have been preserved inviolable, by the intro-

120 THE WORK3 OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XV.

duction of foreign practices; by which we became guilty
of great wickedness afterwards, as those religious ob¬
servances which used to lead the multitude to piety
were now neglected. For, in the first place, he appointed
solemn games to be celebrated every fifth year, in honour
of Augustus, and built a theatre at Jerusalem, as also a very
great amphitheatre in the plain. Both of them were indeed
costly works, but opposite to the Jewish notions; for we have
had no such shows handed down to us by tradition as fit
to be used or exhibited by us; yet did Herod celebrate these
games every five years in the most splendid manner. He
also made proclamation to the neighbouring people, and
called men together out of all the nation. Wrestlers also,
and the rest of those that strove for the prizes in such
games, were invited out of all the land, both by the hopes
of the rewards there to be bestowed, and by the glory of
victory there to be gained. So the principal persons that
were most renowned for these sorts of exercises were got
together, for there were very great rewards proposed
for victory, not only to those who performed gymnastic
exercises, but also to those who were professional musicians,
and who were called Thymelici; indeed Herod spared no
pains to induce all persons, the most famous for such exer¬
cises, to come to the contest. He also proposed no small re¬
wards for those who contended for the prizes in chariots
drawn by four horses, or by a pair, or with race-horses. He
also imitated everything, though ever so costly or magnifi¬
cent, that was practised by other nations, being ambitious
to give public demonstration of his grandeur. Inscriptions
also of the great actions of Augustus, and trophies of
the nations which he had got in his wars, all made of
the purest gold and silver, were all round the theatre.
Nor was there anything that could conduce to display,
whether precious garments or precious stones set in order,
which was not also exposed to sight in these games. He
also got together a great quantity of wild beasts, and of
lions in very great abundance, and of such other beasts as
were either of uncommon strength, or of such a sort as
were rarely seen. These were trained either to fight one
with another, or men who were condemned to death were
to fight with them. And truly foreigners were greatly

CHAP. VIII.] ANTIQUITIES OP THE JEWS.

121

surprised and delighted at the vast expense of the shows,
and at the great danger of the spectacles, but to the Jews
it was a palpable breaking up of those customs for which
they had so great a veneration. It appeared also no better
than barefaced impiety to throw men to wild beasts, to
afford delight to the spectators, and it appeared no less
impiety to change their own laws for such foreign prac¬
tices. But above all the trophies gave most distaste to
the Jews, for as they imagined them to be images inclosed
in the armour that hung round about them, they were
sorely displeased at them, because it was not the custom
of their country to pay honour to such things.

§ 2. Nor was Herod unacquainted with their emotion,
and as he thought it unseasonable to use violence, he tried
to conciliate and console some of them, and to free them
from their religious scruples, but he could not satisfy
them, but they cried out with one accord, from their
great uneasiness at the offences they thought he had
been guilty of, that although they might bear all the rest,
yet would they never bear images of men in their city
(meaning the trophies), because this was against the laws
of their country. Now when Herod saw them so put out,
and that they would not easily change their sentiments
unless they received satisfaction on this point, he called to
him the most eminent men among them, and brought
them to the theatre, and showed them the trophies, and
asked them what sort of things they took these trophies
to be? And when they cried out, that they were the
images of men, he ordered that they should be stripped
of the ornaments which were about them, and showed
them the bare wood ; which wood, now without any orna¬
ment, became matter of great sport and laughter to them,
as indeed they had always before had the ornaments of
images in derision.

§ 3. When Herod had thus baffled the multitude, and
dissipated the vehemence of passion under which they
laboured, most of the people were disposed to change their
ideas, and not to be displeased at him any longer; but
some of them still continued to be offended with him for
his introduction of new customs, and esteemed the viola¬
tion of the laws of their country as likely to be the origin

122 THE WORKS OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XV.

of very great mischiefs to them, so that they deemed it an
instance of pietv rather to run any risk than to seem as if
they took no notice of Herod’s action in changing their
polity, and violently introducing such customs as they
had never been used to before; for he was indeed to
appearance a king, but in reality one that showed himself
an enemy to their whole nation. So ten men that were
citizens conspired together against him, and swore to one
another to undergo any dangers in the attempt, and took
daggers with them under their garments [for the purpose
of billing Herod]. Now there was a certain blind man
among these conspirators, who was moved by indignation
in consequence of what he heard had been done; he was
not indeed able to afford the rest any assistance in the
undertaking, but was ready to undergo any suffering with
them, if they should come to any harm, insomuch that
he became a very great encouragement to the conspirators.

§ 4. When they had taken their resolution, they went
by common consent into the theatre, hoping that Herod
himself would not escape them, as they would fall upon
him so unexpectedly, and supposing that, if they missed
him, they should anyhow kill a great many of those who
were about him ; and feeling they would be satisfied, even
though they should die for it, if they brought home to
the king what injuries he had done to the multitude.
These conspirators, therefore, being thus prepared before¬
hand, went about their design with great zeal. But there
was one of Herod’s spies, who were appointed to fish out
and inform him of any conspiracies that were made against
him, who found out the whole affair, and told the king of
it, as he was about to enter the theatre. And when he
reflected on the hatred which he knew most of the people
bore him, and on the disturbances that arose upon every
occasion, he thought this plot against him not improbable.
Accordingly, he retired into his palace, and called those
that were accused of this conspiracy before him by their
names ; and as, by his guards falling upon them, they
were caught in the very act, and knew they could not
escape, they prepared themselves for their deaths with all
the decency they could, and so as not to recede at all from
their resolute behaviour. For they showed no shame at

CHAP. VIII.]

ANTIQUITIES OP THE JEWS.

123

their act, nor did they deny it, but when they were seized,
they showed their daggers, and professed that their con¬
spiracy was a holy and pious action, that what they
intended to do was not for gain, or to indulge their
passions, but rather for those common customs of their
country, which all Jews were obliged to observe or to die
for them. This is what these men boldly said, in their un¬
daunted courage evinced in this conspiracy, as they were
led away to execution by the king’s guards that surrounded
them, and patiently underwent all the torments inflicted
on them till they died. Nor was it long before the spy who
had informed against them was seized on by some of the
people, from the hatred they bore to him, and was not only
slain by them, but pulled to pieces limb by limb, and given
to the dogs. This action was seen by many of the citizens,
but not one of them would discover the doers of it, till
upon Herod’s making a strict and severe search for them,
certain women that were tortured confessed what they had
seen done; and the authors of the act were so terribly
punished by the king, that their entire families were de¬
stroyed for their rash attempt. But the obstinacy of the
people, and the undaunted constancy they showed in
the defence of their laws, made Herod afraid unless he
strengthened himself in a more secure manner. So he
resolved to hem in the multitude on all sides, lest faction
should end in open rebellion.

§ 5. When therefore he had fortified the city by the
palace in which he lived, and the temple by a strong for¬
tress rebuilt by himself, called Antonia, 1 he contrived to
make Samaria also a 'point d’appui for himself against all
the people, and called it Sebaste, 2 supposing that it would
overawe the country as much as the other. So he fortified
the place, which was a day’s journey distant from Jeru¬
salem, so as to be useful to him both in keeping the country
and city in awe. He also built another fortress for the
whole nation, which was of old called Strato’s Tower, but
was by him called Ceesarea. 3 Moreover, he chose out some

1 The castle of Antonia was on the north side of the Temple, and is
supposed to have partly occupied the site on which the Turkish Barracks
stand at Jerusalem.

2 Sebuslieh. 3 Caesarea Palaestina, Kaisarlyck.

124 THE WORKS OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XV.

picked cavalry to wait upon him in the great plain, and
huilt [for them] a place in Galilee called Gaba, 1 and Ese-
bonitis in Persea. 2 And these were the places which he par¬
ticularly built, as he was always inventing something fresh
for his own security, and surrounding the whole nation
with garrisons, that they might by no means get out
of his power, nor fall into tumults, which they did con¬
tinually upon any small commotion ; and that if they did
make any commotions he might know of it, as some of his
spies would be upon them from the neighbourhood, and
would both be able to know what they were attempting,
and to prevent it. And when he started fortifying Sa¬
maria, he took care to convey there many of those that had
assisted him in his wars, and many of the people in that
neighbourhood also, whom he made fellow-citizens with the
•others. This he did partly from an ambitious desire of
building a temple, and making the city more eminent than
it had been before, but chiefly that it might at once be for
his own security, and a monument of his magnificence. He
also changed its name, and called it Sebaste. Moreover,
he parcelled out the adjacent country, which was excellent
in its kind, among the inhabitants of Samaria, that they
might be in a prosperous condition on their first coming to
inhabit it. He also surrounded the city with a wall of great
strength, and availed himself of the steepness of the place
to make its fortifications stronger; nor was the compass of
the place made now so small as it had been before, but it
was such as rendered it not inferior to the most famous
cities ; for it was twenty furlongs in compass. And within
in about the middle of it he built a sacred enclosure, a
furlong and a half in circumference, and adorned it with
all sorts of decorations, and erected a temple in it, which
was most notable both on account of its size and beauty.
And as to the several parts of the city, he adorned them
with decorations of all sorts also: and seeing what was
necessary to provide for his own safety, he made the walls
very strong for that purpose, and made it for the most
part a citadel; and as to elegance of building, that was

1 Now Jebuta. See Life, § 24 ; Jewish War, iii. 3, § 1.

2 Heshbon, now Hesbdn ; near the border between Reuben and
Gad.

CHAP. IX.]

ANTIQUITIES OP THE JEWS.

125

looked after also, that he might leave a memorial of the
fineness of his taste, and of his beneficence, to future
ages.

CHAP. IX.

Concerning the Famine that happened in Judcea and Syria;
and how Herod, after he had married another Wife, rebuilt
Ccesarea, and other Greek Cities.

§ 1 .

OW in this very year, which was the thirteenth year

' of the reign of Herod, very great calamities came
upon the country, whether from the anger of God, or
whether this evil recurs naturally in certain periods of
time. For in the first place there were perpetual droughts,
and for that reason the ground was barren, and did not
bring forth the same quantity of fruits that it usually pro¬
duced ; and next to this the change of food which the want
of com occasioned produced diseases in the bodies of men,
and a pestilence prevailed, one misery following hard upon
the back of another. And the circumstance that they were
destitute both of methods of cure and of food, made the
pestilence, which began in a violent manner, the more in¬
tense, and the death of men in such a manner deprived
those that survived of all their courage, because they had
no way to provide remedies sufficient to meet the distress
they were in. As therefore the fruits of that year were
spoiled, and whatever they had laid up beforehand was ex¬
pended, there was no hope of relief remaining, but the evil,
contrary to what they expected, still increased upon them;
and not only in that year, when they had nothing for them¬
selves left at the end of it, but the seed they had sown
perished also, because of the ground not yielding its fruits
in the second year. The distress they were in made them
also out of necessity eat many things that were not usually
eaten ; nor was the king himself free from this distress any
more than other men, as he was deprived of the tribute he
used to have from the fruits of the ground, and had already

126

THE WOEES OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XV.

•expended what money he had in his liberality to those
whose cities he had built. Nor had he any people that
were worthy of his assistance, for this miserable state of
things had procured him the hatred of his subjects, for it
is a constant rule that misfortunes are laid to the account
•of those that govern.

§ 2. Under these circumstances he considered with him-
self how to procure some relief; which was a difficult
matter, as their neighbours had no food to sell them, as
they had suffered as much themselves, and their money
also was gone, had it been possible to purchase a little
food at a great price. However, he thought it well not
to leave off by any means his endeavours to assist his
people; so he cut off the rich furniture both of silver
and gold that was in his palace, nor did he spare the finest
vessels he had, or those that had been made with the most
elaborate skill of the artificers, but sent the money to
Petronius, who had been made prefect of Egypt by Augus¬
tus. And as not a few had already fled to him in their
necessities, and as he was a particular friend of Herod,
and desirous to have his subjects preserved, Petronius
gave them first leave to have com from Egypt, and assisted
them every way both in purchasing and conveying it to
Judsea, so that he was the principal, if not the only person,
who afforded them help in this matter. And Herod took
care the people should know that this help came from
himself, and so not only changed the bad opinions of those
that formerly hated him, but gave the greatest proof of his
good-will to them and care of them. For, in the first place,
to those who were able to provide their own food, he dis¬
tributed their proportion of com in the exactest manner,
while for those many that were not able to provide food
for themselves, either because of old age or any other in¬
firmity, he made this provision for them, seeing that the
bakers made their bread for them. He also took care that
they should not be hurt by the dangers of winter, as they
were in great want of clothing also, because of the utter
destruction and loss of their flocks, so that they had no
wool to make use of, nor anything else to cover themselves
with. And when he had procured these things for his own
subjects, he also attempted to provide necessaries for the

CHAP. IX. J ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 127

neighbouring cities, and gave seed to the Syrians, which
thing turned as much to his own advantage, this charitable
assistance being afforded most seasonably to their fruitful
soil, so that every one had now a plentiful provision of
food. And when the harvest of the land was generally
approaching, he sent no less than fifty thousand men,
whom he had sustained, into the country; by which means
he not only repaired the afflicted condition of his own king¬
dom with great generosity and diligence, but also very
much lightened the afflictions of his neighbours, who were
suffering from the same calamities. For there was no¬
body who had been in want, that was left destitute of a
.suitable assistance from him: nor were there either any
peoples or cities or private persons, who had to make pro¬
vision for multitudes and so were in want, who had recourse
to him, without receiving what they stood in need of, inso¬
much, that it appeared upon computation, that the number
of cors of wheat (now a cor is ten Attic medimni) that was
given to foreigners amounted to ten thousand, and the num¬
ber that was given in his own kingdom was about fourscore
thousand. Nowit happened that this care of his, and this
seasonable benevolence, had such influence on the Jews,
and was so cried up among other nations, that it wiped off
that old hatred which his violation of some of their cus¬
toms, during his reign, had procured him among all the
nation, and this liberality of assistance in their greatest
necessity was reckoned full requital. It also procured him
great fame among foreigners, and it seems as if those cala¬
mities, that afflicted his kingdom to a degree plainly incre¬
dible, came in order to raise his glory, and to be to his
great advantage. For the greatness of his liberality in
“those distresses, which he displayed beyond all expectation,
did so change the disposition of the multitude towards him,
that they were ready to suppose he had been from the be¬
ginning not such a one as they had found him long ago by
experience, but such a one as the care he had taken of them
in supplying their necessities now showed him to be.

§ 3. About this time it was that he sent five hundred
picked men of his body-guards as auxiliaries to Augustus,
whom jElius G-allus conducted to the Red Sea, and who
were of great service to him there. And when his affairs

128 THE WORKS OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XV.

were in a good and flourishing condition again, he built
himself a palace in the upper part of the city, raising the'
rooms to a very great height, and adorning them with the
most costly furniture of gold and precious stones and deco¬
rations, and built apartments so large that they could con¬
tain very many men, and had particular names given them
according to their size, for one apartment was called
Augustus’, another Agrippa’s. He also fell in love again,,
and married another wife, not suffering his reason to
hinder him from living as he pleased. The occasion of this,
marriage was as follows. There was one Simon, a native
of Jerusalem (the son of one Boethus, an Alexandrian),,
who was a priest of great note, and had a daughter who
was esteemed the most beautiful woman of her time; and
as the people of Jerusalem talked much about her, it hap¬
pened that Herod was much affected first with what was said
about her, and afterwards when he saw the damsel he was
deeply smitten with her beauty, yet did he entirely reject the-
thoughts of using his authority to abuse her, believing, as
was the truth, that if he did so he would be stigmatized for
violence and tyranny, so he thought it best to take the
damsel to wife. And as Simon was of a rank too low to.
be allied to him, but still too considerable to be despised,
he followed his inclination in the most prudent manner,
by augmenting the dignity of his family, and making it
more honourable. So he forthwith deprived Jesus, the
son of Phabes, of the high priesthood, and conferred that
dignity on Simon, and then married his daughter.

§ 4. When the wedding was over, he built another citadel
in the place where he had conquered the Jews when he was
driven out of his kingdom, when Antigonus was at the.
head of affairs. This citadel 1 is about threescore furlongs,
from Jerusalem. It is a place strong by nature, and fit
for such a building. It is a sort of a moderate hill, raised
to a greater height by the hand of man, so that its circuit
is like the shape of a woman’s breast. It has circular
towers at intervals, and a steep ascent up to it, composed
of two hundred steps of polished stones. Within it are
royal and very costly apartments, constructed both for

1 The ruins are still to be seen on the summit and at the base of
Jebel Fureidis , south of Jerusalem,

CHAP. IX.]

ANTIQUITIES OE THE JEWS.

129

security and beauty. At the bottom of the hill there are
habitations of such a structure as are well worth seeing,
both on other accounts, and also on account of the water
which is brought there from a great way off, 1 and at vast
expense, for the place itself is destitute of water. The plain
below is full of buildings, and not inferior to any city in
size, having the hill above it as a citadel.

§ 5. And now, when all Herod’s designs had succeeded
according to his hopes, he had not the least suspicion that
any troubles would arise in his kingdom, because he kept
his people obedient, as well by the fear they stood in of
him, for he was implacable in his punishments, as by the
provident care he had showed towards them, in the most
magnanimous manner, when they were in their distresses.
Still he took care to have external security as a fortress
against his subjects. For to the cities he was courteous and
full of kindness, and cultivated a seasonable good under¬
standing with their governors, and bestowed presents on
every one of them, inducing them thereby to be more
friendly to him, and using his magnificent disposition, so
that his kingdom -might be the better secured to him, and
all his affairs be every way more and more augmented.
But that magnificent temper of his, and the court which he
paid towards Augustus and the most powerful men of Borne,
obliged him to transgress the customs of his nation, and to
set aside many of their laws, both by building cities in an
ambitious manner, and erecting temples; not in Judsea
indeed (for that would not have been borne, it being for¬
bidden for us to pay any honour to images, or representa¬
tions of animals, like the Greeks), but he did thus in the
country and cities out of our bounds. The apology which
he made to the Jews for this was that all was done, not
by his own inclination, but by command and order, to
please Augustus and the Eomans, as though he had not
the Jewish customs so much in his eye as he had paying
honour to the Eomans, while yet he had himself in view
entirely all the while, and indeed was very ambitious to
leave great monuments of his reign to posterity; whence

A

1 The water was brought from the Wady Urtas, in which are the
‘ Pools of Solomon.’

III. K

130 THE WORKS OP FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XV.

it was that he was so zealous in building such fine cities,
and spent such vast sums of money upon them.

§ 6. Now upon his observing a place near the sea, which
was very well adapted for a city, and was before called
Strato’s Tower, he set about planning a magnificent city
there, and erected many edifices with great care all over it
of white stone. He also adorned it with most sumptuous
palaces, and edifices for containing the people; and what
was the greatest and most laborious work of all, he adorned
it with a haven sheltered from the waves of the sea, in size
not less than the Piraeus [at Athens,] and containing inside
two stations for ships. 1 It was excellently constructed, which
was the more remarkable from its being built in a place
that of itself was not suitable for such a noble structure,
but had to be brought to perfection by materials fetched
from other places at very great expense. The city is
situate in Phoenicia, in the passage by sea to Egypt, be¬
tween Joppa 2 and Dora, 3 which are smaller maritime cities,
and not fit for havens, on account of the fierce south winds
that beat upon them,—which, rolling the sand that comes
from the sea against the shore, do not give good anchorage
for ships, but merchants are generally forced to ride at
anchor out at sea. This inconvenience Herod endeavoured
to rectify, and laid out such a compass towards the land
as might be sufficient for a haven, wherein great fleets
might lie in safety; and this he effected by putting down
huge stones of above fifty feet in length, and not less than
eighteen in breadth, and nine in depth, twenty fathoms
deep, and as some stones were less, so others were bigger
than those dimensions. This mole which he built by the
sea-side was too hundred feet long, and half of it was
opposed to the force of the waves, so as to keep them off
(and so was called break-water), and the other half had
upon it a wall, with several towers at intervals, the largest
of which was called Drusus, and was a work of very great
excellence, and had its name from Drusus, the step-son of
Augustus, who died young. There were also a great number
of arches, where the mariners dwelt; there was also in front

1 The rains of Kaisartyeh and of its ancient port are still very exten¬
sive; see “ Memoirs of Western Palestine,” ii. 15-28.

1 Jaffa. 5 Tanturah.

CHAP. IX.]

ANTIQUITIES OP THE JEWS.

131

of them a quay which ran round the entire haven, and was
a most agreeable walk to such as had a mind for exercise.
And the entrance or mouth of the port faced north, which
wind brings the clearest sky. And the basis of the whole
circuit on the left hand, as you sail into the port, supported
a round turret, which was made very strong, in order to
resist the greatest waves ; while on the right hand stood two
huge stones, each of them larger than the turret which was
opposite them, which stood upright, and were joined to¬
gether. And there were edifices all along the circular
haven, made of the most polished stone, with a certain
elevation in the middle, whereon was erected a temple of
Csesar , 1 visible a great way off to those who were sailing for
that haven, which had in it two statues, one of Rome,
the other of Csesar . 1 The city itself was called Caesarea,
and was itself built of fine materials, and handsomely con¬
structed ; nay, the very subterranean vaults and cellars
had as much care bestowed on them as the buildings above
ground. Some of these vaults carried things at regular
distances to the haven and to the sea; but one of them
ran obliquely, and undergirt all the rest, that both the rain
and sewage of the citizens were conveyed away with
case, and the sea itself at full tide entered the city, and
washed it all clean. Herod also built therein a theatre of
stone; and on the south side of the harbour behind an
amphitheatre also, capable of holding a vast number of
men, and conveniently situated for a sea view. This city
was finished thus in twelve years ; a during which time the
king did not fail both to go on with the work, and to pay
the necessary expenses.

1 Augustus.

3 It is ten years in Antiq. xvi. 5, § 1.—W.

132

THE WORKS OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XV.

CHAP. X.

How Herod sent his Sons to Home ; also how he was accused
by Zenodorus and the Gadarenes, but was cleared of what
they accused him, of, and withal gained to himself the
Good-will of Augustus. Also concerning the Pharisees, the
Essenes, and Manahem.

§ L

HEN Herod was engaged in these matters, and had

» V already built Sebaste [Samaria], he resolved to send
his sons Alexander and Aristobulus to Rome, to visit
Augustus. And they, when they got there, lodged at the
house of Pollio , 1 who was very proud of Herod’s friendship ;
and they had leave to lodge in Augustus’ own palace, for he
received these sons of Herod with all kindness, and gave
Herod leave to give his kingdom to which of his sons he
pleased: and moreover he bestowed on him Trachon , 2 and
Batanaea , 3 and Auranitis , 4 which he gave him for the follow¬
ing reason. One Zenodorus had hired the house of
Lysanias, and, as he was not satisfied with its revenues, he
became a partner with the robbers that infested Trachon,
and so got a larger income; for the inhabitants of that
region lived in a mad way, and pillaged the country of the
Damascenes, and Zenodorus did not restrain them, but
shared himself in the booty. Now, as the neighbouring
people were thereby great sufferers, they complained to
Yarro, who was then president [of Syria], and entreated him
to write to Augustus about this wrong-doing of Zenodorus.
When these matters were laid before Augustus, he wrote
back to Varro to destroy those nests of robbers, and to give
the land to Herod, that so by his care the neighbouring

1 This Pollio, with whom Herod’s sons lodged at Rome, was not Pollio’
the Pharisee, already mentioned by Josephus, chap. 1, § 1, and again
presently after this, chap. 10, § 4, but Asinius Pollio, the Roman, as
Spanheim here observes.—W.

2 Now el-Lejah,

3 The name is still retained in Ard el-Bathanyeh.

1 Haurdn. Trachon, Batanaea, and Auranitis were three of the four
districts into which Bashan was divided.

CHAP. X.]

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

133

countries might be no longer disturbed by these doings of
the Trachonites. For it was no easy thing to restrain
them, since this habit of robbery had been their usual
practice, and they had no other way to get their living,
because they had neither any city of their own, nor lands
in their possession, but only some dens and caves in the
earth, and there they and their cattle lived in common
together. However, they had made contrivances to get
water, and laid up corn for themselves, and were able to
make great resistance, by issuing out on the sudden
against any that attacked them. For the entrances of their
caves were narrow, so that but one could go in at a time,
and the places within were incredibly large and roomy;
and the ground over their habitations was not very high,
but rather on a plain. And the rocks were altogether
hard and difficult of access, unless any one followed the
track of another, for these roads are not straight, but have
many windings. And when those men were hindered
from their wicked preying upon their neighbours, their
custom was to prey one upon one another, so that no sort
of wrong-doing came amiss to them. But when Herod
had received this grant of land from Augustus, and went
into this country, he procured skilful guides, and put a
stop to their wicked robberies, and gave peace and quiet¬
ness to the neighbouring people.

§ 2. Thereupon Zenodorus was angry, first because his
district was taken away from him, and next even still
more because he envied Herod who had got it; so he
went up to Borne to accuse him, but returned back again
without success. Now Agrippa was [about this time] sent
to govern in the name of Augustus the countries beyond
the Ionian Sea, and Herod visited him when he was winter¬
ing at Mitylene, for he had been his particular friend and
companion, and then returned to Judaea again. And
some of the Gadarenes went to Agrippa, and accused
Herod, but he sent them back bound to the king, without
giving them a hearing. And the Arabians, who of old bore
ill-will to Herod’s sway, were excited, and now attempted
to raise a rebellion in his dominions; and, as they thought,
for a justifiable reason. For Zenodorus, despairing already
of success as to his own affairs, anticipated [his enemies] by

134 THE WORKS OF FLAVITJS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XV.

selling to those Arabians a part of his district, called
Auranitis, for fifty talents; and as this was included in
the grant of Augustus, they contested the point with Herod,
as being unjustly deprived of what they had bought.
Sometimes they did this by making incursions upon him,
and sometimes by attempting force against him, and some¬
times by going to law with him. Moreover, they per¬
suaded the poorer soldiers to help them, and were hostile
to Herod in the constant hope of an insurrection, a thing
which those that are in the most miserable circumstances
of life most rejoice in. And although Herod had been a
long time aware of this, yet did he not act with severity
to them, but by reason tried to conciliate them, being un¬
willing to give any handle for tumults.

§ 3. Now when Herod had already reigned seventeen
years, Augustus came into Syria: at which time most of
the inhabitants of G-adara 1 clamoured against Herod, as im¬
perious in his orders, and tyrannical. These reproaches
they mainly ventured upon by the encouragement and
calumny of Zenodorus, who swore that he would never
desert them till he had got them severed from Herod’s
kingdom, and joined to Augustus’ jurisdiction. The
G-adarenes were induced thereby, and raised no small out¬
cry against Herod, and that the more boldly, because
those that had been delivered up by Agrippa to him were
not punished by Herod, who let them go, and did them no
harm; for indeed he (if anyone) appeared inexorable in
punishing crimes in his own family, but very generous in
remitting offences that were committed elsewhere. And
as they accused Herod of violence and plunder and over¬
throwing of temples, he stood unconcerned, and was ready
to make his defence. However Augustus gave him his
right hand, and remitted nothing of his kindness to him,
upon this uproar of the multitude; and indeed these
things were alleged the first day, but the hearing proceeded
no further on the following days. For as the G-adarenes
saw the bias of Augustus and of his assessors, and expected,
as they had reason to do, that they would be delivered up
to the king, some of them, in dread of the torments they

1 Umm Kcis.

CHAP. X.] ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 135

might undergo, cut their own throats in the night, and
some of them threw themselves down precipices, and others
of them cast themselves into the river, and committed
suicide; which seemed a sufficient condemnation of the
rashness and fault they had been guilty of; and there¬
upon Augustus without any further delay acquitted Herod
of what he was accused of. Another fortunate event also
befriended Herod at this time; for Zenodorus’ belly burst,
and a great quantity of blood issued from him in his ill¬
ness, and he departed this life at Antioch in Syria. And
Augustus bestowed his district, which was no small one,
upon Herod; it lay between Trachon and Galilee, and con¬
tained Ulatha 1 * and Paneas, 3 4 and the country round about.
He also made him one of the procurators of Syria, and
commanded that nothing should be done without his ap¬
probation ; in short, he arrived at that pitch of felicity,
that whereas there were but two men that governed the
Roman empire, first Augustus, and then Agrippa, who was
Augustus’ principal favourite, Augustus preferred no one
to Herod after Agrippa; and Agrippa made no one his
greater friend than Herod except Augustus. And when
he had acquired such great influence, he begged of
Augustus a tetrarchy 3 for his brother Pheroras, and him¬
self bestowed upon him a revenue of a hundred talents out
of his own kingdom, that if he came to any harm himself,
his brother might be in safety, and his sons might not
have dominion over him. And when he had escorted
Augustus to the sea, and had returned home, he built in
his honour a most beautiful temple of white stone, in
Zenodorus’ district, near the place called Panium; 1 where
there is a very fine cave in a mountain, under which there
is a great cavity in the earth, and the cavern is precipi¬
tous, and prodigiously deep, and full of stagnant water;

1 The district round the Lake Semechonitis, Merom, now Baheiret

d-Hfilch.

3 Banias, Ctesarea Philippi.

3 A tetrarchy properly and originally denoted the fourth part of an
entire kingdom or country ; and a tetrarch, one that was a ruler of such
fourth part; which always implies somewhat less extent of dominion
and power than belong to a kingdom and to a king.—W.

4 The cavern at Banias from which one of the sources of the Jordan
issues; there are still several niches with inscriptions cut in the rock.

136 THE WORKS OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XV.

over it hangs a vast mountain ; and under the cavern
arise the springs of the river Jordan. Herod still further
adorned this place, which was already a very remarkable
one, by the erection of this temple, which he dedicated to
Augustus.

§ 4. At this time Herod remitted to his subjects the
third part of their taxes, under pretext indeed of relieving
them after the dearth they had had; but his main reason
was, to recover their good-will, for they were vexed at
him because of the innovations he had introduced in their
practices, to the dissolution of their religion, and to the
disuse of their own customs; and the people everywhere
talked against him, like people who were still provoked and
put out. Against these discontents he greatly guarded
himself, taking away the opportunities the people might
have to disturb him, and enjoining them to be always at
work; nor did he permit the citizens either to meet together,
or to walk or eat together, but watched everything they
did. And when any were caught they were severely
punished, and there were many who were brought to the
citadel Hyrcania, 1 both openly and secretly, and were there
put to death; and there were spies set everywhere, both
in the city and in the roads, who watched those that met
together. Nay, it is reported, that he did not himself
neglect this part, but that he would often himself put
on the dress of a private man, and mix among the mul¬
titude in the night-time, and so find out what opinion
they had of his government. And as for those that could
no way be induced to acquiesce in his scheme of govern¬
ment, he persecuted them in all manner of ways, while for
the rest of the multitude, he required that they should be
obliged to take an oath of fidelity to him, and compelled
them to swear that they would bear him good-will in his
government. And indeed most, either to please him, or
out of fear of him, yielded to what he required of them,
but such as had more spirit, and were indignant at force,
he by one means or other made away with. He endea¬
voured also to persuade Pollio the Pharisee, and Sameas,
and most of their scholars, to take this oath; but they

1 See Antiq. xiii. 16, § 3.

CHAP. X.]

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

137

would not submit to do so, nor were they punished with
the rest, from the regard he had to Pollio. The Essenes
also, as we call a sect of ours, were excused from this
necessity. These men live the same kind of life as do those
whom the Greeks call Pythagoreans, concerning whom I
shall speak more fully elsewhere. However, it is but fit
to set down here the reason why Herod held these Essenes
in such honour, and thought higher of them than their
mortal nature warranted ; nor will this account be unsuit¬
able to the nature of this history, as it will show the
opinion men had of these Essenes.

§ 5. One of these Essenes, whose name was Manahem,
had this testimony, that he not only conducted his life
in an excellent manner, but had also the foreknowledge
of future events given him by G-od. This man once saw
Herod when he was but a lad, and going to school, and
saluted him as king of the Jews; but he thinking that
either he did not know him, or that he was in jest, re¬
minded him that he was but a private person; but Manahem
quietly smiled and clapped him on the backside with his
hand, and said, “ However that be, thou wilt be king, and
wilt begin thy reign happily, for God finds thee worthy of
it. And do thou remember the blows that Manahem has
given thee, as a token to thee of the change of thy fortunes.
And truly this will be the best determination for thee, that
thou love justice and piety towards God, and clemency
towards the citizens; yet do I know thy whole conduct,
that thou wilt not be such a one. For thou wilt excel all
men in good fortune and obtain an everlasting reputation,
but wilt forget piety and justice. And these crimes will
not be concealed from God, for at the conclusion of thy
life thou wilt find that he will be mindful of them, and
punish thee for them.” Now at the time Herod did not
attend at all to what Manahem said, having no hopes of
such advancement; but afterwards, when he was so for¬
tunate as to be advanced by degrees to the dignity of
king, and was at the height of his power, he sent for
Manahem, and asked him, How long he should reign?
Mauahem did not tell him the full length of his reign, so
upon his silence he asked him further, Whether he should
reign ten years, or not ? when he replied, “ Yes, twenty, nay,

138

THE WORKS OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XV,

thirty years,” but did not state the precise period of his
reign. Herod was satisfied with this answer however, and
gave Manahem his hand, and dismissed him, and from
that time he continued to honour all the Essenes. I have
thought it proper to relate this to my readers, however
strange it seems, and to declare what has happened among
us, because many of the Essenes have, by their excellent
virtue, been honoured [by God] by the knowledge of divine
things.

CHAP. XI.

How Herod rebuilt the Temple, and raised it higher, and
made it more magnificent than it was before; as also con¬
cerning the Tower which he called Antonia.

§ 1 -

A ND now Herod, in the eighteenth year of his reign,
and after the acts already mentioned, undertook a
very great work, that is to build at his own expense the
temple of God, and to make it larger in compass, and to
raise it to a most magnificent height, esteeming it to be the
most glorious of all his actions, as it really was, to bring it
to perfection, and thinking this would be sufficient for an
everlasting memorial of him. But as he knew the multi¬
tude were not ready nor willing to assist him in so great a
design, he thought to prepare them first by making a
speech to them, and then set about the work itself, so he
called them together, and spoke to them as follows. “ I
think I need not speak to you, fellow countrymen, about
such other works as I have done since I came to the king¬
dom, although I may say they have been performed in
such a maimer as to bring more security to you than glory
to myself: for I have neither been negligent in the most
difficult times about what tended to ease your necessities,
nor have the buildings I have erected been so much to
preserve me as yourselves from injuries; and I imagine
that, with God’s assistance, I have advanced the nation of
the Jews to a degree of prosperity which they never had
before. And as for the particular edifices belonging to

CHAP. XI.] ANTIQUITIES OP THE JEWS.

m

your own country, and your own cities, that we have lately
acquired, which we have erected and greatly adorned, and
so augmented the dignity of your nation, it seems to me
a needless task to enumerate them to you, since you
well know them yourselves. But as to the undertaking
which I have a mind to set about at present, and which
will be a work of the greatest piety and excellence in our
power, I will now speak about it to you. Our fathers,
indeed, when they returned from Babylon, built this
temple to Almighty God, yet does it want sixty cubits in
height compared with the first temple which Solomon
built. But let no one condemn our fathers for negligence
or want of piety herein, for it was not their fault that the
temple was no higher; for it was Cyrus and Darius (the
son of Hystaspes) who determined the measures for its re¬
building ; and because of the subjection of those fathers
of ours to them and to their posterity, and after them to
the Macedonians, they had not opportunity to follow the
archetype of this holy edifice, nor could they raise it to its
ancient height. But since I am now, by God’s will, your
governor, and have had peace a long time, and have gained
great riches, and large revenues, and, what is the principal
thing of all, am at amity with and favourably regarded by
the Bomans, who, if I may so say, are the rulers of the whole
world, I will do my endeavour to correct that imperfection
which has arisen from necessity and the slavery which we
were under formerly, and to make a thankful return in the
most pious manner to God, for the blessings I have received
from him in giving me this kingdom, by rendering his temple
as complete as I am able.”

§ 2. Such was the speech which Herod made to them,
but still it astonished most of the people, being un¬
expected by them; and because it seemed incredible to
hope, it did not encourage them, but put a damper upon
them, for they were afraid that he would pull down the
whole edifice, and not be able to bring his intentions for
rebuilding it to perfection, and this danger appeared to
them to be very great, and the vastness of the undertaking
to be such as could hardly be accomplished. But while
they were in this disposition, the king encouraged them,
and told them, he would not pull down their temple till

140 THE WORKS OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XV.

all things were got ready for building it up entirely again.
And as he promised them this beforehand, so he did not
break his word with them, but got ready a thousand
waggons, that were to bring stone for the building, 1 and
•chose out ten thousand of the most skilful workmen, and
bought a thousand sacerdotal garments for as many of the
priests, and had some of them taught how to be builders,
and others how to be carpenters, and then began to build,
but not till everything was well prepared for the work.

§ 3. And Herod took up the old foundations, and laid
others, and erected the temple upon them, which was in
length a hundred cubits, and in height twenty additional
cubits, which [twenty,] upon the sinking of their founda¬
tions, 2 fell down; and this part it was that we decreed to
raise again in the days of Nero. Now the temple was
built of stones that were white and strong, and the length
of each was twenty-five cubits, the height eight, and the
breadth about twelve. 3 And the whole structure, as was
also the structure of the royal portico, was on each side
much lower, but the middle was much higher, so that it
was visible to those that dwelt in the country for many
furlongs, but chiefly to such as lived opposite, or approached

1 The stones for the Temple were apparently taken from the large

subterranean quarry near the Damascus Gate.

3 Some of our modern students in architecture have made a strange
blunder here, when they imagine that Josephus affirms the entire
foundation of the temple, or holy house, sunk down into the rocky
mountain on which it stood, no less than twenty cubits; whereas he is
clear, that they were the foundations of the additional twenty cubits
only above the hundred, (made perhaps weak on purpose, and only for
show and grandeur,) that sunk or fell down, as Dr. Hudson rightly
understands him ; nor is the thing itself possible in the other sense.
Agrippa’s preparation for building the inner parts of the temple twenty
cubits higher, (Jewish War, v. 1, § 5,) must, in all probability, refer
to this matter, since Josephus says here, that this which had fallen
down was designed to be raised up again under Nero, under whom
Agrippa made that preparation. But what Josephus says presently,
that Solomon was the first king of the Jews, appears by the parallel
place, Antiq. xx. 9, § 7, and other places, to be meant only the first of
David’s posterity, and the first builder of the temple.—W.

3 Josephus here gives the size of one or two of the largest stones in
the wall, and has rather exaggerated the height of the courses. The
stones have weathered a yellowish brown; when fresh from the quarry
they must have been of a pearly white colour.

CHAP. XI.]

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

141

it. The temple had doors also at the entrance, and lintels
over them, of the same height as the temple itself. They
were adorned with embroidered veils, with flowers of
purple, and pillars interwoven ; and over these, hut under
the cornices, was spread out a golden vine, with its clusters
hanging down from a great height, the size and fine work¬
manship of which was a surprising sight to the spectators
to see, such vast materials were there, and with such
great skill was the workmanship done. He also surrounded
the entire temple with very large porticoes, contriving
them all in due proportion, and he laid out larger sums of
money than had ever been done before, till it seemed that
no one else had so greatly adorned the temple as he did.
There was a large wall to both the porticoes, which wall
was itself the most prodigious work that was ever heard
of by man. The hill was a rocky ascent, that sloped gradually
towards the east of the city up to its topmost peak. This
hill it was which Solomon, who was the first of our kings,
surrounded by divine revelation with a wall of excellent
workmanship above and round the top of it. 1 He also built
a wall below, beginning at the bottom, which was encom¬
passed by a deep valley; and on the south side he laid
rocks together, and bound them to one another with lead,,
and included some of the inner parts, till it proceeded
to a great depth, and till both the size of the square
edifice, and its altitude, were immense, and till the vastness,
of the stones in the front were plainly visible on the out¬
side, and the inward parts were fastened together with iron,,
and preserved the joints immoveable for all time. When
this work was joined together to the very top of the hill,
he wrought it all into one outward surface, and filled up
the hollow places which were about the wall, and made it
a level on the external upper surface, and a smooth level
also. This hill was walled all round, and in compass four
furlongs, each angle containing a furlong in length ; a but

1 This sentence should be read as a parenthesis. The following ‘ He ’
refers to Herod.

2 This direct statement of Josephus that each side of Herod’s temple
measured a furlong, or 600 feet, agreeing as it does with his statement
below (§ 5) that the royal cloister was also a furlong, is of great impor¬
tance in connection with the controversy relating to the site of the
Temple at Jerusalem.

142 THE WORKS OF FLAVITJS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XV.

within this wall, and on the very top of all, there ran an¬
other wall of stone also, having on the east ridge a double
portico of the same length as the wall; in the midst
of which was the temple itself. This portico faced the
gates of the temple; and it had been adorned by many
kings in former times. And round about the entire temple
were fixed the spoils taken from barbarous nations; all
these were dedicated to the temple by Herod, who added
those he had taken from the Arabians.

§ 4. Now in an angle on the north side [of the temple]
was built a citadel, well fortified and of extraordinary
strength. This citadel was built before Herod by the
kings of the Asamonsean race, who were also high priests,
and they called it the Tower, and in it were deposited the
vestments of the high priest, which the high priest only put
on at the time when he was to offer sacrifice. 1 These vest¬
ments king Herod kept in that place, and after his death
they were in the power of the Romans, until the days of
Tiberius Csesar; in whose reign Yitellius, the governor of
Syria, when he visited Jerusalem, and was most magnifi¬
cently received by the multitude, had a mind to make them
some requital for the kindness they had showed him; so,
upon their petition to have those holy vestments in their
own power, he wrote about them to Tiberius Csesar, who
granted his request; and this power over the sacerdotal
vestments continued with the Jews till the death of king
Agrippa. And after him Cassius Longinus, who was
governor of Syria, and Cuspius Fadus, who was procurator
of Judaea, bade the Jews deposit those vestments in the
Tower of Antonia, on the plea that the Romans ought to
have them in their power, as they had formerly had. How¬
ever, the Jews sent ambassadors to Claudius Caesar, to
intercede with him as to this matter, on whose coming king
Agrippa, junior, being then at Rome, asked for and ob¬
tained power over them from the emperor, who ordered
Yitellius, who was then commander in Syria, to give it them
accordingly. Before that time, they were kept under the
seal of the high priest, and of the treasurers of the temple,
which treasurers, the day before a festival, went up to the

1 The castle of Antonia; it is that to which St. Paul was taken for
safety. Acts xxiii. 10.

CHAP. XI.]

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

143

Roman commander of the fortress, and viewed their own
seal, and received the vestments; and again, when the
festival was over, brought them back to the same place,
and showed the commander of the fortress their seal,
which corresponded with his seal, and deposited them there.
And that these things were so, the afflictions that happened
to us afterwards [about them] are sufficient evidence. As
for the tower itself, when Herod the king of the Jews had
fortified it more firmly than before, in order to secure and
guard the temple, he gave the Tower the name of Antonia,
to gratify Antony, who was his friend and a ruler of the
Romans.

§ 5. Now in the western part of the enclosure of the
temple there were four gates; the first led to the king’s
palace, and went to a passage over the intermediate valley;
two more led to the suburbs of the city ; and the last led
to the rest of the city, where the road descended down into
the valley by a great number of steps, and thence up again
to the ascent. 1 For the city lay opposite the temple like
a theatre, and was encompassed with a deep valley along
the entire south quarter. But the fourth front of the
temple, facing south, had indeed itself gates in its midst,
and over it the royal portico, which was triple and
reached in length from the east valley unto that on the
west, for it was impossible it should reach any further:
and this portico deserves to be mentioned better than any
■other under the sun. For as the valley was very deep, and
its bottom could not be seen if you looked from above into
the depth, the high elevation of the portico stood upon that
height, that if any one looked down from the top of the roof
to those depths, he would be giddy, while his sight could
not reach down to such an abyss. And there were pillars that
stood in four rows one over-against the other all along (for
the fourth row was interwoven into the wall, which was
built of stone), and the thickness of each pillar was such,
that three men might with their arms extended span it,
and its length was twenty-seven feet, with a double spiral

1 The first gate is that which led over ‘ Wilson’s Arch ’ to the Upper
City and Herod’s palace; the last led over ‘ Robinson’s Arch ; ’ the
remaining two are probably ‘ Barclay’s Gate’ and ‘ Warren’s Gate,’ in
the west wall of the Hararn Area at Jerusalem.

144 THE WORKS OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XV.

at its base. And tbe number of all the pillars was a hun¬
dred and sixty-two. Their chapiters were made with
sculptures in the Corinthian style, that caused amazement
from the grandeur of the whole. These four rows of pillars
included three intervals for walking in the middle of the
portico; two of which walks were made parallel to each
other, and were contrived in the same manner; the breadth
of each of them was thirty feet, the length a furlong, 1
and the height above fifty feet, but the breadth of the
middle part of the cloister was one and a half of the other,
and the height was double, for it was much higher than
those on each side. And the roofs were adorned with deep
carving in wood, representing many sorts of figures: the
middle was much higher than the rest, and the wall in front
was adorned with lintels, resting upon pillars that were-
interwoven into it, and the front was all of polished stone;
insomuch, that its fineness, to such as had not seen it, was
incredible, and to such as had seen it, was marvellous.
Such was the first enclosure, and in the midst, not far from
it, was the second, to be ascended to by a few steps; this
was surrounded by a stone wall for a partition, with an
inscription forbidding any foreigner to enter under pain of
death. Now, this inner enclosure had on its south and
north sides three gates, equi-distant from one another; but
on the east side, towards the sunrising, there was one large
gate, through which such as were pure went in with
their wives. But within was a sanctuary not open to the
women; and still further within was there a third sanc¬
tuary, which it was not lawful for any but the priests to-
enter. The temple itself was within this, and before it was
the altar, upon which we offer our sacrifices and burnt-
offerings to God. Into none of these three did king Herod
enter, for he was forbidden because he was not a priest.
However, he laboured at the porticoes, and the outer en¬
closures, and these he built in eight years.

§ 6. And the temple itself was built by the priests in a
year and six months, upon which all the people were full

1 The royal cloister commenced at the S.W. angle of the Karim
Area, and ran for 600 feet along its southern wall. The approach to-
the central aisle, from the west, was over ‘ Robinson’s Arch,’ the ruins,
of which were found by Sir C. Warren during his excavations.

CHAP, XI.] ANTIQUITIES OP THE JEWS. 145

of joy, and returned thanks in the first place to God for
the speed with which it was finished, and in the next place
for the zeal the king had shown, feasting and celebrating
this rebuilding of the temple. As for the king, he sacri¬
ficed three hundred oxen to God, as did the rest, every one
according to his ability; the number of which sacrifices is
not possible to be set down, for it cannot be that we should
truly relate it. For at the same time as this celebration
of the work about the temple, fell also the day of the
king’s inauguration, which he kept of old as a festival, and
it now coincided with the other, which coincidence of both
made the festival most notable.

§ 7. There was also an underground passage built for
the king, which led from Antonia to the inner temple to
its eastern gate, above which he also erected for himself a
tower, that he might have the opportunity of an under¬
ground ascent to the temple, in order to guard against any
rebellion which might be made by the people against their
kings. It is also reported that, during the time that the
temple was building, it did not rain in the daytime, but
showers fell in the night, so that the work was not hin¬
dered. And this our fathers have handed down to us, nor
is it incredible, if any one looks to the other manifestations
of God. And thus was performed the work of the re¬
building of the temple.

146

THE WORKS OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XVI.

BOOK XVI.

CONTAINING THE INTERVAL OF TWELVE TEARS.—FROM
THE FINISHING OF THE TEMPLE BT HEROD TO THE
DEATH OF ALEXANDER AND ARISTOBULUS.

CHAP. I.

A Law of Herod about Housebreakers. Salome and Phe-
roras calumniate Alexander and Aristobulus upon their
Return from Rome, for whom Herod yet provides Wives.

§ 1 -

S king Herod was very zealous in the administration

Ja of all his affairs, and desirous to put a stop to par¬
ticular acts of injustice which were done by criminals in
the city and country, he made a law no way like our
original laws, which he enacted of himself, to sell house¬
breakers to be taken out of his kingdom, which punishment
was not only grievous to be borne by the offenders, but
contained in it an infringement of the customs of our
forefathers. For slavery to foreigners and such as did
not live after the manner of the Jews, and necessity to do
whatever such men should command, was an offence
against our religion rather than a punishment to such as
were found to have offended, such a punishment being
avoided in our original laws. For those laws ordained
that the thief should restore fourfold, and if he had not so
much, he should be sold indeed, but not to foreigners, nor
so as to be in perpetual slavery, for he had to be released
after six years. But this law, thus enacted in order to
introduce a severe and illegal punishment, seemed to be a
piece of arrogance in Herod, as he did not act as a king
but as a tyrant, and thus contemptuously, and without
any regard to his subjects, ventured to introduce such a
punishment. Now this penalty, thus brought into prac¬
tice, was like Herod’s other actions, and became one of

CHAP. I.]

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

147

the charges brought against him, and caused hatred to
himself.

§ 2. Now at this time it was that he sailed to Italy,
being very desirous to meet Augustus, and to see his own
sons who lived at Rome. And Augustus was not only very
obliging to him in other respects, but delivered him his
sons again, that he might take them home with him, as
they had already completed their education. And as soon
as the young men returned from Italy, the people were
very desirous to see them, and they became the observed
of all observers, being adorned with great blessings of
fortune, and having the countenances of persons of royal
dignity. So they at once appeared to be the objects of envy
to Salome the king’s sister, and to those who had done
Mariamne to death with their calumnies; for they were
suspicious, that when these sons of her’s came to the throne,
they should be punished for the wickedness they had been
guilty of against their mother. So they made this very
fear of theirs a motive to raise calumnies against them
also; and gave it out that they were not pleased with
their father’s company, because he had put their mother
to death, as if it did not appear agreeable to piety to live
with their mother’s murderer. Now, by retailing these
stories, that were untrue 1 and only built on probabilities,
they were able to do them mischief, and to take away that
kindness from his sons which Herod had before borne to
them. For they did not say these things to him outright,
but scattered abroad such words among the multitude
generally; from which words, when carried to Herod,
hatred was by degrees generated, which natural affection
itself, even by length of time, was not able to overcome.
Tet did the king at this period prefer the natural affection
of a father to all the suspicions and calumnies his sons lay
under; and he honoured them as he ought to do, and
married them to wives, now they were grown up. To
Aristobulus he gave for wife Berenice Salome’s daughter,
and to Alexander Glaphyra, the daughter of Archelaus
king of Cappadocia.

1 I read dTro.

148

THE WORKS OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XVf.

CHAP. II.

How Herod twice sailed to Agrippa; and how, upon the
complaint of the Jews in Ionia against the Greeks, Agrippa
confirmed the Laws of the Jews to them.

§ 1 -

W HEN Herod had despatched these affairs, on hearing
that Marcus Agrippa had sailed again from Italy to
Asia, he hasted to him, and besought him to come to bis
kingdom, and receive that welcome he might justly expect
from one that had been his guest and friend. This request
he urgently pressed, and Agrippa agreed to it, and came
into Judsea. And Herod omitted nothing that might
please him, but entertained him in his new-built cities,
and showed him the edifices he had built, and provided
all sorts of the best and most costly dainties for him and
his friends, and showed him Sebaste, and the port that
he had built at Caesarea, and the fortresses which he had
erected at great expense, as Alexandrium 1 and Herodium 2
and Hyrcania. He also conducted him to the city of
Jerusalem, where all the people met him in their festival
garments, and received him with acclamations. Agrippa
also offered a hetacomb to God, and feasted the people,
without omitting any of the greatest dainties. As for
himself he enjoyed himself so much there, that he abode
many days with them, and would willingly have stayed
longer, but that the season of the year made him haste
away ; for, as winter was coming on, he thought it not safe
to sail later, as he was obliged to return again to Ionia.

§ 2. So Agrippa sailed away, after Herod had bestowed
many presents on him, and on the chief persons of his
suite. And king Herod, when he had passed the winter in
his own dominions, made haste to join him again in the
spring, as he knew he meant to go on a campaign to
the Bosphorus. So when he had sailed by Rhodes and
Cos, he touched at Lesbos, 3 thinking he should find

’ Kefr Istina. s Jebel Fureidis.

3 The island now called Mytilene, from the name of its principal
town.

CHAP. II.]

ANTIQUITIES OP THE JEWS.

149

Agrippa there, but he was delayed there by a north wind,
which hindered his ship from entering port. So he con¬
tinued many days at Chios, and there he kindly treated a
great many that came to him, and obliged them by giving
them royal gifts; and when he saw that the portico of the
city was fallen down (which, as it was overthrown in the
Mithridatic war, and was a very large and fine building,
was not so easy to rebuild as the rest) he furnished
a sum not only large enough for that purpose, but
more than sufficient to finish the building, and ordered
them not to neglect that portico, but to rebuild it quickly,
that so the city might recover its principal ornament.
And when the wind ceased, he sailed to Mytilene, 1 aud
thence to Byzantium; 2 and when he heard that Agrippa
had sailed beyond the Cyanean rocks, 3 he made all the
haste possible to overtake him, and came up with him
at Sinope 1 in Pontus. He was sighted by the fleet most
unexpectedly, but appeared to their great joy; and many
friendly greetings passed between Agrippa and him, for
Agrippa thought he had received the greatest marks of
Herod’s kindness and affection towards him possible, since
he had come so long a voyage, and at a very fit season for
his assistance, and had left the administration of his own
dominions, and thought it better worth his while to come to
him. Accordingly, Herod was all in all to Agrippa in the
management of the war, and a great assistant in civil
affairs, and in giving advice as to particular matters. He
was also a pleasant companion for Agrippa when he relaxed
himself, and a partner with him in all things, in diffi¬
culties because of his good-will, and in prosperity because
of the respect Agrippa had for him. Now as soon as they
had finished those affairs in Pontus, for which Agrippa
was sent there, they did not think fit to return by sea, but
passed through Paphlagonia and Cappadocia, and travelled

1 The chief town of Lesbos ; it is now called Castro, aud faces the

mainland.

3 The old name of Constantinople.

3 The islands off the mouth of the Bosphorus; Strabo calls them
“ two little isles, one upon the European, and the other on the Asiatic
side of the strait , separated from each other by twenty stadia.”

* On the north coast of Asia Minor, now Siniib.

150 THE WORKS OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XVI.

thence by land over great Phrygia, and came to Ephesus,
and then sailed across from Ephesus to Samos. And indeed
Herod bestowed a great many benefits on every city that he
came to, according as they stood in need of them; for as for
those that wanted either money or kind treatment, he was
not wanting to them, but supplied the former himself at
his own expense ; he also became an intercessor with
Agrippa for all such as sought after his favour, and he so
managed that the petitioners failed in none of their suits
to him, Agrippa being himself of a good disposition, and
of great generosity, and ready to grant all such requests as
might be advantageous to the petitioners, provided they
were not to the detriment of others. The inclination of
Herod was of very great weight to stimulate Agrippa, who
was himself not slow to do good ; for he made a recon¬
ciliation between him and the people of Ilium, 1 with whom
he was angry, and paid the money the people of Chios
owed Augustus’ agents, and relieved them of their tribute ;
and helped all others according as their several necessities
required.

§ 3. But now when Agrippa and Herod were in Ionia, a
great number of Jews, who dwelt in their cities, came to
them, and seizing the opportunity and freedom now given
them, laid before them the injuries which they suffered,
as they were not permitted to use their own laws, but
were compelled to prosecute their lawsuits by the ill-usage
of the judges upon their holy days, and were deprived of
the money they used to send to Jerusalem, and were forced
into the army and into other services, and obliged to spend
their sacred money, from which burdens they always used
to be freed by the Eomans, who had still permitted them
to live according to their own laws. As they vociferated
this, the king desired of Agrippa that he would hear their
cause, and assigned Nicolaus, one of his friends, to plead
for their privileges. Accordingly, when Agrippa had
called the principal of the Eomans, and such of the kings
and rulers as were there, to be his assessors, Nicolaus
stood up, and pleaded for the Jews as follows.

§ 4. “ It is of necessity incumbent, most mighty

1 Troy, Husarlik.

CHAP. II.]

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

151

Agrippa, on all who are in distress to have recourse to
those that have it in their power to free them from injury,
and those that are now your suppliants, approach you
with great assurance. For as they have formerly often
found you what they wished, they now only entreat that
you, who have heen the donors, will take care that those
favours you have already granted them shall not be taken
away from them. We have received these favours from
you, who alone have power to grant them, but have them
taken from us by such as are no greater than ourselves,
and by such as know they are as much subjects as we are.
And certainly, if persons have been vouchsafed great
favours, it is to their commendation who have obtained
them, as having been found deserving of such great
favours ; and if those favours be but small ones, it is dis¬
honourable for the donors not to confirm them. And as
to those that thwart the Jews and use them ill, it is evident
that they affront not only the receivers of these favours, as
they will not allow those to be worthy men to whom their
excellent rulers themselves have borne testimony, but
also the donors, as they desire that those favours already
granted may be abrogated. Now if any one were to ask
them which of the two they would rather part with, their
lives, or the customs of their forefathers, as their solemn
processions, their sacrifices, and their festivals, ^vhich they
celebrate in honour of those they suppose to be gods, I
know very well that they would choose to suffer anything
whatever, rather than to give up any of the customs of
their forefathers. For most choose rather to go to war on
that account, being very solicitous not to transgress in
such matters: and indeed we measure that happiness
which all mankind do now enjoy owing to you by this
very thing, that we are allowed every one to worship and
live as our institutions require. And although they would
not like to be thus treated themselves, yet do they endea¬
vour to compel others to comply with them, as if it were
not as great an instance of impiety, to profanely dissolve
the religious solemnities of others, as to be negligent in
the observance of their own duty towards their gods.
And now let us consider another case. Is there any
people or city, or community of men, to whom your

152 THE WORKS OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XV]

government and the Roman power does not appear to b
the greatest blessing ? Is there any one that can desire t<
make void the favours thence proceeding ? No one i:
certainly so mad: for there are no men who have not beei
partakers of those favours both publicly and privately
and indeed those that take away what you have granted
cau have no assurance but that every one of their owi
grants made them by you may be taken from them also
And yet these grants of yours can never be sufficiently
valued ; for if people were to. compare the old governmeni
under kings with the present government, besides th<
great number of benefits which this government has he'
stowed on them for their happiness, this is above all th<
rest, that they appear to be no longer in a state of slavery
but of freedom. Now our circumstances, even at the
best, are not such as deserve to be envied, for we are
indeed in a prosperous state through you, but only ir
common with all others ; and we desire no more than this
to preserve our national religion without anv prohibition
which as it appears not in itself a privilege to be grudged
us, so is it for the advantage of those that grant it to us
for if the divinity delights in being honoured, he delight:
also in those that permit him to be honoured. And then
are none of our customs which are inhuman, but all are
pious and devoted to the preservation of justice; nor dc
we conceal*these precepts of ours, by which we govern oui
lives, as they are suggesters of piety, and of friendliness
to men: and the seventh day we set apart from labour foi
the learning of our customs and laws, 1 as we think it propel
to reflect on them, as well as on any [good] thing else, ir
order to avoid sin. If any one, therefore, examine oui
customs, he will find that they are good in themselves, and
that they are ancient also, though some think otherwise
so that those who have received them cannot easily bt
brought to depart from them, from the honour they pay
to the length of time they have religiously observed them

1 We may here observe the ancient practice of the Jews, of dedicating
the Sabbath-day not to idleness, but to the learning their sacred right
and religious customs, and to meditation on the law of Moses. Thi
like to which we meet with elsewhere in Josephus, as Against Apion
i. § 22.—W.

CHAP. II.]

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

153

Now our adversaries are for unjustly taking our privileges
away, they violently seize upon that money of ours which
is offered to G-od, and called sacred money, and that
openly in a sacrilegious manner; and they impose tribute
upon us, and bring us before tribunals and make us do
other services on holy days, not because the laws require
it, or for their own advantage, but because they would put
an affront on our religion, which they know as well as we,
indulging themselves in an unjust and involuntary hatred.
For your government over all your subjects is one, and tends
to the establishing of benevolence and abolishing of ill-
will among such as are disposed to it. This then is what
we implore of thee, most mighty Agrippa, that we may not
be ill-treated ; that we may not be abused ; that we may
not be hindered from following our own customs; nor be
despoiled of our goods ; nor be forced by these men to do
what we ourselves do not force them to do: for these
privileges of ours are not only according to justice, but
have also been granted us by you. And we are able to
read to you many decrees of the senate, and the tablets
that contain them, which are still extant in the Capitol,
concerning these things, which it is evident were granted
after you had experience of our fidelity towards you, and
which would be valid, even if no such fidelity had pre¬
viously been shown by us. For you have hitherto preserved
what people were in possession of, not to us only but to
almost all men, and have added greater advantages than
they could have hoped for, and thereby your sway has be¬
come a great advantage to them. And if any one were to
enumerate the benefits you have conferred on every nation,
he would never put an end to his discourse ; but that we
may prove that we are not unworthy of all those advan¬
tages we have obtained, it will be sufficient for us to say
nothing of other things, but to speak freely of the king
who now governs us, and is one of thy assessors. For
indeed, in what instance of good-will, as to your house,
has he been deficient ? What mark of fidelity to it has
he omitted ? What token of honour has he not devised ?
What occasion of assisting you has he not regarded first ?
What hinders, therefore, but that your kindnesses may be
as numerous as his so great benefits to you have been ?

154 THE WORKS OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XVI.

It may also perhaps be fit here not to pass over in silence
the valour of his father Antipater, who, when Caesar made
an expedition into Egypt, assisted him with two thousand
armed men, and proved second to none, either in the
battles on land, or in the management of the fleet. And
what need to say anything of the great importance those
soldiers were at that juncture ? or how many and how
great presents they were vouchsafed by Caesar ? And
truly I ought before now to have mentioned the letters
which Caesar wrote to the senate at that time, and how
Antipater had public honours, and the freedom of the city
of Rome bestowed upon him. For these are proofs that
we have received these favours by our own deserts, and so
we petition thee for thy confirmation of them, from whom
we should have had reason to hope for them, even though
they had not been given us before, looking both to our king’s
disposition towards you, and your disposition towards him.
We have also been informed by those Jews, that were
there, with what kindness thou earnest into our country,
and how thou offeredst perfect sacrifices to God, and
honoured him with perfect vows, and how thou gavest the
people a feast, and didst accept their own hospitable pre¬
sents to thee. We ought to esteem all these kind enter¬
tainments made both by our nation and city to a man
who has management of so much of the public affairs, as
indications of that friendship which thou feelest in return
to the Jewish nation, and which has been procured them
by the family of Herod. So we put thee in mind of these
things, in the presence of the king now sitting by thee,
and make our request for no more but this, that what you
have given us yourselves, you will not see taken away from
us by others.”

§ 5. When Nicolaus had made this speech, there was no
opposition made to it by the Greeks, for this was not an
inquiry made as in a court of justice, but a petition to pre¬
vent violence being offered to the Jews any longer. Nor
did the Greeks deny that they had done so, but their excuse
■was that as the Jews inhabited their country, they were
entirely unjust to them [in not joining in their worship].
But the Jews proved that they were natives, and that,
though they worshipped according to their own institu-

CHAP, II.]

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

155

tions, they did nothing to harm them. So Agrippa, per¬
ceiving that they had been oppressed by violence, made
the following answer: that because of Herod’s good-will
and friendship, he was ready to grant the Jews whatever
they should ask him, and that their requests seemed to
him in themselves just; and that if they requested any¬
thing further, he should not scruple to grant it them,
provided it was no way to the detriment of the Roman
empire; and that, while their request was no more than
this, that the privileges they had already had given them
might not be abrogated, he confirmed this to them, that
they might continue in the observance of their own cus¬
toms, without any one offering them injury.” And when
he had said this, he dissolved the assembly ; upon which
Herod stood up, and saluted him, and gave him thanks
for the bind disposition he showed to them. Agrippa took
this in a very obliging manner, and saluted him back, and
embraced him, and then left Lesbos. 1 But Herod deter¬
mined to sail homewards, and when he had taken his leave
of Agrippa, he set sail, and landed at Caesarea 2 in a few
days’ time, having favourable winds, from whence he went
to Jerusalem, and there gathered all the people together to
an assembly, not a few being there from the country also.
So he came forward, and gave a particular account of all his
journey, and of the affairs of all the Jews in Asia, and how
owing to him they would live without injurious treatment
for the time to come. He also told them of all the good
fortune he had met with, and how he had administered the
government, and had not neglected anything which was
for their advantage; and as he was very joyful, he now
remitted to them the fourth part of their taxes for the last
year. And they were so pleased with his favour and
speech to them, that they went their ways with great
gladness, and wished the king all manner of happiness.

1 The island of Mytilene.

2 Caesarea Palaestina, Kaisariyek.

56

THE WORKS OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XVI.

CHAP. III.

low great Disturbances arose in Herod’s Family because of
his preferring Antipater, his eldest Son, to the rest, and
how Alexander took that Injury very much to heart.

§ 1 .

B UT now the affairs in Herod’s family grew to more dis¬
order, and became worse and worse, from the hatred
>f Salome to the young men [Alexander and Aristobulus],
rhich descended as it were by inheritance [from their mother
ilariamne] ; and as she had completely succeeded against
heir mother, so she proceeded to that degree of reckless
laring as to endeavour that none of her posterity might
)e left alive, who might have it in their power to revenge
ler murder. The young men had also somewhat of a
lauglity and ill-affected air towards their father, occasioned
)y the remembrance of what their mother had unjustly
iuffered, and by their own desire for reigning. The old
grudge was again renewed, and they cast reproaches on
Salome and Pheroras, who requited the young men with
nalice and laid treacherous snares for them. As for this
latred, it was equal on both sides, but the manner of
ihowing it was different; for as for the young men they
vere rash, reproaching and affronting Salome and Pheroras
ipenly, being inexperienced enough to think it most noble
■o declare their minds in that frank manner; but Salome
md Pheroras did not take that method, but made use of
:alumnies in subtle and spiteful manner, provoking the
r oung men on every occasion, and imagining that their bold-
less might in time come to offering violence to their father.
?or inasmuch as they were not ashamed of the pretended
•rimes of their mother, and thought she suffered unjustly,
Salome and Pheroras supposed that their feelings might at
ength exceed all bounds, and might induce them to think
hey ought to be avenged on their father, even though
hey despatched him with their own hands. At last it
;ame to this, that the whole city was full of talk of this
dnd, and, as is usual in such contests, the inexperience of

_.____J 1_ j. n _ __ o n l_»

CHAP. III.]

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

157

was too much for them, and the imputations she laid upon
them came to be believed owing to their own conduct. For
they were so deeply affected at the death of their mother,
that while they said both she and themselves were in a
miserable case, they vehemently complained of her pitiable
end, which indeed was truly such, and said that they were
themselves in a pitiable case also, because they were forced
to live with those that had been her murderers, and likely
to experience the same treatment.

§ 2. These family feuds increased greatly, and the king’s
absence abroad afforded a fit opportunity for their in¬
crease. And as soon as Herod had returned, and had
made his speech to the multitude, Pheroras and Salome
immediately let fall words as if he were in great danger,
and as if the young men openly threatened that they
would not spare him any longer, but revenge their mother’s
death upon him. They also added another circumstance,
that their hopes were fixed on Archelaus, the king of
Cappadocia, that they should be able through him to go
to Augustus and accuse their father. Herod was imme¬
diately disturbed at hearing such things, and indeed was
the more dismayed because the same things w r ere related
to him by some other persons also. This recalled to his
mind his former calamity, and he reflected that family
troubles had hindered him from enjoying any comfort from
those that were dearest to him, and from his wife whom
he loved so well; and suspecting that his future troubles
would be even heavier and greater than those that were
past, he was in great confusion of mind. For divine
Providence had indeed conferred upon him a great many
outward advantages for his happiness, even beyond his
hopes, but the troubles he had at home were such as he
had never expected to have met with, and rendered him
unfortunate ; nay, both good and bad fortune happened
to him more than one could have anticipated, and made it
a doubtful question, whether, upon the comparison of both,
it was desirable to have had so much success in outward
things with such great misfortunes at home, or whether it
would not have been better to avoid family troubles,
though he had never possessed the admired grandeur of a
kingdom.

153 THE WORKS OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XVI.

§ 3. As lie was tlius embarrassed and unhappy, in order
to put down these young men, he summoned to his court
another of his sons, that was born to him when he was a
private individual (whose name was Antipater), but he did
not indulge him then as he did afterwards, when he was
quite mastered by him, and let him do everything he
pleased, but rather in the design of repressing the insolence
of the sons of Mariamne, and managing this elevation of
his so, that it might be for a warning to them; for their
audacity would not (he thought) be so great, if they were
once persuaded that the succession to the kingdom did not
appertain to them alone, or need of necessity come to
them. So he introduced Antipater as their rival, and
imagined this a good plan for abating their pride, and that
after this was done to the young men, there might be a
likelihood of their being of a better disposition. But the
event proved other than he expected. For the young
men thought he had done them a very great injury, and as
Antipater was a shrewd man, when he had once obtained
this position, and begun to expect greater things than he
had before hoped for, he had but one design, and that was
to hurt his brothers, and not to yield them the pre-eminence,
but to stick to his father, who was already alienated from
them by calumnies, and easy to be worked upon in any way
his zeal against them urged him to pursue, that he might
be continually more and more severe against them. Accor¬
dingly, all the reports that were spread abroad came from
him, while he avoided himself the suspicion of those dis¬
coveries coming from him, for he mainly used those per-
persons as his creatures who were unsuspected, and such
as might be believed to speak truth because of the good¬
will they bore to the king. And indeed there were already
not a few who paid court to Antipater in hopes of gaining
somewhat by him, and these were the men who most of
all persuaded Herod, because they appeared to speak
thus out of their good-will to him. And while these
accusations from various sources corroborated each other,
the young men themselves afforded further occasion for
suspicion. For they were observed to shed tears often, on
account of the dishonour that was done them, and often
had their mother in their mouths, and among their friends

CHAP. IV.]

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

159

openly ventured to reproach their father as not acting
justly by them ; all which things were with an evil inten¬
tion kept in memory by Antipater for a fit season, and
when they were repeated to Herod with exaggerations,
increased very much the family troubles. For as the king
was very angry at what was alleged against the sons of
Mariamne, and was desirous to humble them, he still in¬
creased the honours that he bestowed on Antipater; and
was at last so much under his influence that he actually
brought his mother to court. He also wrote frequently to
Augustus in his favour, and most earnestly recommended
him to him. And when Agrippa was returning to
Rome, after he had finished his ten years’ government in
Asia, Herod sailed from Judaea, and when he met with
Agrippa, he had none with him but Antipater, whom he
delivered to him, that he might take him along with him,
together with many presents, that so he might become
Augustus’ friend ; insomuch, that things already looked as
if he had all his father’s favour, and that the young men
were entirely shut out of any hopes of the kingdom.

CHAP. IV.

How, during Antipater's Abode at Rome, Herod brought
Alexander and Aristobulus before Augustus, and accused
them. Alexander’s Defence of himself before Augustus,
and Reconciliation with his Father.

§ I-

A ND now what happened during Antipater’s absence
x a augmented the honour to which he had been promoted,
and his apparent eminence above his brothers, for he made
a great figure in Rome, because Herod had recommended
him by letter to all his friends there. Only he was grieved
that he was not at home, and had no opportunities for
perpetually calumniating his brothers; and his chief fear
was, lest his father should alter his mind, and entertain
a more favourable opinion of the sons of Mariamne.
And as he had this in his mind, he did not desist from his

160 . THE WORKS OP FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XVI.

purpose, but continually sent from Rome any such stories
as he hoped might grieve and irritate his father against his
brothers, under pretence indeed of a deep concern for his
preservation, but in truth, such as his malignity suggested,
in order to add to his hope of the succession, which yet
was already great in itself ; and thus he did till he had
excited such a degree of anger and indignation in Herod,
that he was already become very ill-disposed towards the
young men. But as he shrank from publicly showing his
violent disgust with them, that he might not either be too
remiss or too rash, and so offend, he thought it best to sail
to Rome, and there accuse his sons before Augustus, and
not to indulge himself in any such act as might from its
enormity be suspected of impiety. And on his going up
to Rome, it happened that he hastened to meet Augustus
at the city of Aquileia; 1 and when he came to speech with
Augustus, he asked for a time for hearing this great cause,
wherein he thought himself very miserable, and produced
his sons there, and accused them of their desperate con¬
spiracy against him. He said that they were enemies to
him, and did their utmost to show their hatred to him their
father, and wished to take away his life in the most bar¬
barous manner, and so obtain his kingdom, which he had
authority from Caesar to dispose of, not by necessity but
by choice, to him who should show the greatest piety to¬
wards him. He said also that his sons were not so de¬
sirous of ruling, as they were (upon being disappointed
thereof) to expose their own lives, if they might but deprive
their father of his life, so wild and polluted had their minds
become from their hatred to him. And whereas he had a
long time borne this misfortune, he was now compelled (he
said) to lay it before Augustus, and to pollute his ears with
the hearing of it. And yet what severity had they ever
suffered from him ? or what hardships had he ever laid
upon them to make them complain of him ? and how could
they think it just, that he should not be lord of that king¬
dom, which he had gained in a long time and with great
danger, and that they should not allow him to keep it,
and dispose of it to him who should deserve best ? And

1 The modern Aquileia, near the head of the Adriatic. It was the
capital of the province of Venetia.

CHAP. IV.]

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

161

that, with other advantages, he proposed as a reward for
the piety of such a one as would hereafter imitate the
care he had taken of it, and such a one would gain so
great a requital. But it was an impious thing for them
to intrigue for it beforehand, for he who had ever the
kingdom in his view, at the same time reckoned on the
death of his father, because otherwise he could not come
to the throne. As for himself, he had hitherto given
them all that he was able, and all that was fit for such as
were subject to royal authority, and were the sons of a
king, pomp and servants, and delicate fare, and had mar¬
ried them into the most illustrious families, Aristobulus
to his sister’s daughter, and Alexander to the daughter
of king Archelaus. And what was the greatest favour of
all, though their crimes were so very bad, and he had
authority to punish them, yet had he not made use of it
against them, but had brought them before Augustus, their
common benefactor, and had not used the severity which
he might have done, either as a father who had been im¬
piously treated, or as a king who had been conspired against,
but made them stand upon the same level as himself in
judgment. Lastly he said that it was necessary that all
this should not be passed over without punishment, nor he
himself live in the greatest fears; nay, that it was not for
their own advantage to see the light of the sun after what
they had aimed at, even if they should escape that time,
since they had done the vilest things that ever were known
among mankind, and would certainly suffer the greatest
punishment.

§ 2. These were the accusations which Herod brought
with great vehemence against his sons before Augustus.
Now the young men wept and were in confusion while he
was speaking, and still more at his concluding. As to them¬
selves, they knew in their own consciences that they were
innocent, but because they were accused by their father, they
knew, as was indeed the case, that it was hard for them to
make their apology, since though they were at liberty to
speak their minds freely as the occasion required, and
might with force and earnestness refute their father’s
accusation, yet it was not now decent so to do. There was
therefore a difficulty how they should be able to speak,

hi. ji

162 THE WORKS OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XVI.

and tears and at last deep groans followed, for they were
afraid, if they said nothing, that they should seem to be in
this difficulty from a consciousness of guilt, nor had they
any defence ready because of their youth and the alarm
they were in. Nor did Augustus fail to perceive, when
he saw the confusion they were in, that their delay to make
their defence did not arise from any consciousness of
crime, but from their unskilfulness and modesty. They
were also commiserated by those who were present, nay
they privately moved their father with genuine emotion.

§ 3. So when they saw there was a kind disposition both in
him and Augustus, and that every one else present did
either shed tears, or at least sympathize with them, the
one of them, whose name was Alexander, addressed his
father, and attempted to answer his accusations, and said,
“ 0 father, the benevolence thou hast shown to us is
evident, even in this very judicial procedure, for hadst
thou had any bad intentions in regard to us, thou wouldst
not have produced us here before the common saviour of all.
For it was in thy power, both as a king and as a father, to
punish the guilty, but by thus bringing us to Rome, and
making Augustus himself a witness to what is done, thou
intimatest that thou intendest to save us, for no one that
has a design to slay a man will bring him to temples and
sanctuaries. But our circumstances are still worse, for
we cannot endure to live any longer, if it be believed
that we have injured such a father; nay, perhaps, it
would be worse for us to live with this suspicion upon
us, that we have injured him, than to die innocent. But
if our bold defence be received as true, we shall be happy,
both in persuading thee, and in escaping the danger we are
in, but if this calumny still prevails, it is more than enough
for us that we have seen the sun this day, for why should
we see it with this suspicion fixed upon us ? Now, it is easy
to say of young men, that they desire to reign, and to add
charges about our unhappy mother, is abundantly sufficient
to produce our present misfortune out of the former. But
consider well, whether such an accusation does not suit all
young men, and may not be said of them all promiscuously ?
For nothing can hinder him that reigns, if he have chil¬
dren, and their mother be dead, but that he may have

■CHAP. IV.] ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 163

a suspicion of all his sons, as intending some treachery
against him; but a mere suspicion is not sufficient to
prove such impiety. Now let any man say, whether we
have actually dared to attempt any such things as would
make actions otherwise incredible to appear credible. Can
anyone prove the preparation of poison, or a conspiracy
of our comrades, or the corruption of servants, or letters
written against thee? though indeed there are none of
those things but have sometimes been invented by calumny,
though they were never done. For a royal family that is
at variance with itself is a terrible thing; and the throne,
which thou callest a reward of piety, often excites in very
wicked men such hopes as make them draw back from no
criminality. However no one will actually lay any crime
to our charge. And as to calumny, how can he put an
end to it, who will not hear what we have to say ?
Have we talked with too great freedom? not against
thee, for that would be wrong, but against those that
never conceal anything that is spoken to them. Have
either of us lamented our mother? yes, but not because
she is dead, but because she was ill spoken of by unworthy
persons. Are we desirous of the throne which we know
■our father is possessed of? For what reason can we be
so ? if we already have royal honours, as we have, should
we not labour in vain ? And if we have them not, yet are
not we in hope of them? Or supposing that we had
killed thee, could we expect to obtain thy kingdom ? why,
neither the earth would let us tread upon it, nor the sea let
us sail upon it, after such an action as that: nay, the
religion of all your subjects, and the piety of the whole
nation, would have prevented parricides from being at the
head of affairs, and from entering into the most holy
temple built by thee. And suppose we had made light of
•other dangers, can any murderer go off unpunished, while
Augustus is alive? We are thy sons, and not so im¬
pious or thoughtless as that, though perhaps more un¬
fortunate than was well for thee. But if thou neither
findest any causes of complaint, nor any treacherous de¬
signs, what sufficient evidence hast thou to make such
wickedness credible ? Our mother is dead indeed, but what
befell her would be an instruction to us to caution, and not

164

THE WORKS OF FLAVIUS JOSErHUS. [BOOK XVI.

an incitement to wickedness. We are willing to make a
longer apology for ourselves, but actions never done do not
admit of argument. Wherefore we make this agreement
with thee before Augustus, the lord of all, as mediator
now between us: if thou, O father, canst bring thyself
by the evidence of truth to have a mind free from suspi¬
cion concerning us, let us live, though even then we
shall not be happy; for to be accused of great acts of
wickedness, though falsely, is a terrible thing ; but if thou
hast any fear remaining, continue thou in thy pious life,
we will see to ourselves, 1 our life is not so desirable to
us as for us to wish to have it, if it tend to the harm of our
father who gave it us.”

§ 4. When Alexander had thus spoken, Augustus, who did
not even before believe so grave a charge, was still more
moved, and looked intently upon Herod, and perceived he was
a little confused; and the persons present were in anxiety
about the young men, and the fame that was spread
abroad at court made the king hated. For the incredi¬
bility of the charge, and the pity felt for the young men, who
were in the flower of youth and beauty of body, inspired
sympathy, and the more so because Alexander had made
his defence with dexterity and prudence. Nay, the young
men themselves did not any longer continue in their former
guise, bedewed with tears and with eyes cast down to the
ground, for now there arose in them a hope of better things,
and the king himself appeared not to have had foundation
enough to build such an accusation upon, he having no real
evidence to convict them, so that some apology seemed re¬
quired from him. But Augustus, after some delay, said, that
although the young men were innocent of that with which
they had been charged, yet they had been to blame for not
having demeaned themselves towards their father so as to
prevent the suspicion which was spread abroad concerning
them. He also exhorted Herod to lay aside all such suspicion
and to be reconciled to his sons; for it was not just to give
any credit to such reports concerning his own children ; and
this change of mind on both sides might not only heal those
breaches that had happened between them, but might even

1 A euphemism for committing suicide.

■CHAP. IV.]

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

165

improve their good-will to one another, whereby on both sides,
apologizing for the rashness of their suspicions, they might
resolve to feel more affection towards each other than they
had before. After Augustus had given them this admonition,
he beckoned to the young men, and when they were dis¬
posed to fall down at their father’s feet, he took them up,
and embraced them, in tears as they were, and took each of
them in turn into his arms, till not one of those that
were present, whether freeman or slave, but was deeply
■affected.

§ 5. Then did they return thanks to Augustus, and went
away together, and with them went Antipater, who hypo¬
critically pretended that he rejoiced at this reconciliation.
And on the following days Herod made Augustus a pre¬
sent of three hundred talents, as he was then exhibiting
■shows, and bestowing largesses on the people of Rome; and
Augustus made him a present of half the revenue of the
copper mines in Cyprus, and committed the care of the other
half to him, and honoured him with other gifts and incomes:
and as to his kingdom, he left it in his own power to ap¬
point which of his sons he pleased as his successor, or to
distribute it in parts to each, that the royal rank might
so come to them all. And when Herod was disposed to
make such a settlement at once, Augustus said that he
would not give him leave to deprive himself, while he was
alive, of the power over his kingdom, or over his sons.

§ 6. After this Herod returned to Judsea again. But
during his absence from home, the Trachonites, no small
part of his dominions, had revolted, but the commanders
he left there had vanquished them, and compelled them to
submission again. Now, as Herod was sailing with his
sons, and put in near Cilicia at Elseusa, which has now had
its name changed to Sebaste, 1 he met with Archelaus king of
Cappadocia, who received him kindly, and rejoiced that he
was reconciled to his sons, and that the accusation against
Alexander, who had married his daughter, was at an end.
They also made one another such presents as it became

1 The island and town of Elseusa, called Sebaste, was near the river
Lamas, on the south-east coast of Asia Minor. It is now a small peninsula
covered with ruins, and connected with the main land by an isthmus of
sand.

166

THE WORKS OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XVI„

kings to make. From thence Herod went to Judsea, and
to the temple, where he made a speech to the people, con¬
cerning what had been done during his absence from home,
telling them about Augustus’ kindness to him, and about as
many of the particular things he had done, as he thought
it for his advantage they should be acquainted with. At
last he turned his speech to the admonition of his sons, and
exhorted the courtiers and the multitude to concord, and
informed them, that his sons were to reign after him.
Antipater first, and then Alexander and Aristobulus, the
sons of Mariamne; but at present he desired that they
should all pay court to himself, and esteem him king and
lord of all, since he was not yet effete from old age, but
was at that period of life when he was most skilful in
governing, and that he was not deficient in other arts that
might enable him to govern the kingdom well, and to rule
over his children also. He also told the rulers and sol¬
diers, that in case they looked to him alone, they would
pass their lives in tranquillity, and would make one another
happy. And when he had said this, he dismissed the as¬
sembly. His speech was acceptable to most of the audience,
but not to some, for the contention among his sons, and
the hopes he had given them, occasioned thoughts and
desires of innovation among some of them.

CHAP. Y.

How Herod celebrated Games, to take place every fifth Year r
upon the Building of Gcesarea; and how he built and
adorned many other Places in a magnificent manner; and
how he did many other Actions gloriously.

§ I-

BOUT this time Caesarea Sebaste, which Herod had

built, was finished. The entire building being con¬
cluded in the tenth year, the solemnity of it fell in the
twenty-eighth year of Herod’s reign, and in the hundred
and ninety-second Olympiad. There was accordingly a
great festival, and most sumptuous preparations were made

CHAP. V.]

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

167

at once for its dedication. For the king appointed con¬
tests in music and athletic exercises, and also got ready a
great number of gladiators, and of beasts for like purpose:
horse races also, and the most costly of such sports and
shows as used to be exhibited at Rome and in other places.
He consecrated these contests to Csesar Augustus, and
ordered them to be celebrated every fifth year. He also
provided all the apparatus for it at his own expense, to set
off his liberality; and Julia, the Emperor’s wife, sent a
great part of her most costly things privately from Rome,
insomuch that he had no want of anything. The sum of
them all was estimated at five hundred talents. Now
when a great multitude was come to Caesarea, to see the
shows, as well as the ambassadors whom various people
sent because of the benefits they had received from Herod,
he entertained them all in the public inns, and at public
tables, and with perpetual feasts, the festival having in
the day-time the attractions of the fights, and in the night¬
time such merry-making as cost vast sums of money, and
publicly demonstrated the greatness of his soul, for in all
his undertakings he was ambitious to exhibit what exceeded
whatever had been done before. And they say that
Augustus himself and Agrippa often said, that the do¬
minions of Herod were too little for the greatness of his
soul, for he deserved to have the kingdom of all Syria, and
of Egypt also.

§ 2. After this solemnity and these festivals were over,
Herod erected another city in the plain which is called
Capharsaba, where he chose out a fit place, both for plenty
of water and goodness of soil for what was there planted,
as a river encompassed the city itself, and a grove of the
best trees for size was round about it. This he named
Antipatris after his father Antipater. 1 He also built, upon
another spot of ground above Jericho, a place of great
security, and very pleasant for habitation, and called it
Cypros 2 after the name of his mother. He also dedicated
the finest monument to his brother Phasaelus, on account of

1 Now Has el-Ain, near the point at which the Roman road from
Jerusalem to Caesarea left the hills for the plain.

2 Possibly Beit Jubr et-Tahtdni. See Jewish War, i. 21, §§ 4, 9 ; ii.

18 , § 6 .

168 THE WORKS or FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XVI,

the great natural affection there had been between them, by
erecting a tower in the city itself, not smaller than the
tower of Pharos,' which he called Phasaelus, which was at
once a part of the defences of the city and a memorial of
him that was deceased, because it bore his name. He also
built a city which he called after him in the valley of
Jericho, as you go from it northwards, whereby he rendered
the neighbouring country more fruitful, by the cultivation
which its inhabitants introduced; and this he called
Phasaelis. 1 2

§ 3. As for his other benefits, it is impossible to reckon
up those which he bestowed on cities both in Syria and in
Greece, and in all the places he went to in his travels. For
he seems to have contributed very liberally to many public
burdens and to the building of public works, and fur¬
nished the money that was necessary for such works as
wanted it upon the failure of their revenues. But the
greatest and most illustrious of all his works was the
erection of Apollo’s temple at Ehodes at his own expense,
and his giving the people of Ehodes a great many talents
of silver to build a fleet. He also built the greatest part
of the public edifices for the inhabitants of Nicopolis 3 near
Actium : and for the inhabitants of Antioch, the principal
city of Syria, where a broad street cuts through the place
lengthways, he built porticoes along it on both sides, and
paved the open road with polished stone, which was of
very great advantage to the inhabitants. And as to the
Olympian games, which were in a very low condition
because of want of money, he revived their reputation, and
appointed revenues for keeping them up, and made that
general festival more stately as to the sacrifices and other
displays. And because of this great liberality, he was
almost unanimously registered as one of the perpetual
judges of those games.

§ 4. Now there are some who stand amazed at the diver¬
sity of Herod’s nature and purposes. For when we look at
his magnificence, and at the benefits which he bestowed on

1 The present ‘ Tower of David ’ at Jerusalem.

2 Now Fusdil.

3 Built by Augustus in commemoration of the victory of Actium ; the
ruins are near Prevesa.

CHAP. V.]

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

169

all people, there is no possibility even for those that had the
least respect for him to deny, or not to admit, that he had
a nature vastly beneficent; but when any one looks upon
the punishments he inflicted, and the injuries he did not
only to his subjects but to his nearest relations, and takes
notice of his severe and unrelenting disposition, he will be
forced to allow that he appears brutish, and a stranger to
all humanity; whence some people suppose his nature to be
various and sometimes self-contradictory. But I am my¬
self of another opinion, and imagine that the cause of both
these sort of actions was one and the same. For being an
ambitious man, and quite overcome by that passion, he was
induced to be magnificent, wherever there appeared any
hopes either of future memory or of present reputation ;
and as his expenses were beyond his means, he was neces¬
sitated to be harsh to his subjects. For the persons on
whom he expended his money were so many that they made
him a very bad procurer of it; and as he was conscious
that he was hated by those under him for the injuries he
had done them, he thought it no easy thing to amend his
offences, for that was inconvenient for his revenue; he
therefore strove on the other hand to make their ill-will an
opportunity to add to his gains. As to his own people, there¬
fore, if anyone was not very obsequious to him in language,
and would not confess himself to be his slave, or seemed
to think of any innovation in his realm, he was not
able to contain himself, but prosecuted his very kindred
and friends, and punished them as if they were his enemies ;
and he committed such faults from a desire that he might
himself alone be honoured. Now for this my assertion
about that feeling of his, we have the greatest evidence, by
what he did to honour Augustus and Agrippa and his other
friends; for those honours he paid to those who were his
superiors he desired also to be paid to himself; and
what he thought the most excellent present he could
make another, he showed an inclination to have also pre¬
sented to himself. But the Jewish nation is by their law
a stranger to all such things, and accustomed to prefer
righteousness to glory; for which reason that nation was
not agreeable to him, because it was out of their power to
flatter the king’s ambition with statues or temples, or any

170

THE WORKS OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XVI.

other such things. And this seems to me to have been at
once the cause of Herod’s harsh acts to his own courtiers
and counsellors, and of his benefits to foreigners and to
those that had no relation to him.

CHAP. VI.

An Embassage of the Jews in Cyrene and Asia to Augustus ;
concerning the Complaints they had to make against the
Greeks; with Copies of the Letters which Augustus and
Agrippa wrote to the Cities for them.

§ 1 -

OW the G-reek cities ill-treated the Jews in Asia, and

f ' also all those of the same nation who lived in Libya 1 2
near Cyrene, though the former kings had given them
equal privileges with the other citizens; but the Greeks
oppressed them at this time, and that so far as to take
away their sacred money, and to do them mischief on
particular occasions. As therefore they were thus evil
intreated, and found no end of the barbarous treatment
they met with among the Greeks, they sent ambassadors
to Augustus about these matters. And he gave them the
same privileges as they had before, and sent letters to the
same purpose to the governors of the provinces, copies of
which I subjoin here, as testimonies of the favourable dis¬
position the Roman emperors formerly had towards us.

§ 2. “ Csesar Augustus, Pontifex Maximus, and tribune
of the people, ordains as follows. Since the nation of the
Jews has been found friendly to the Roman people, not only
at this time, but in time past also, and especially Hyrcanus
the high priest, under my father Csesar the emperor,' it
has seemed good to me and my council, according to the
wish and oath of the people of Rome, that the Jews should

1 Libya was that portion of Africa which lay to the west of Lower
and Middle Egypt.

2 Augustus here calls Julius Caesar his ‘ father,’ though by birth he
was only his ‘ uncle,’ on account of his adoption by him. See the same,
Antiq. xiv. 14, § 4.—W.

CHAP. VI.]

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

171

have liberty to follow their own customs, according to
the law of their forefathers, as they did under Hyreanus
the high priest of Almighty God; and that their sacred
money be not touched, but be sent to Jerusalem, and that
it be committed to the care of the receivers at Jerusalem ;
and that they be not obliged to appear in court either on
the Sabbath-day, or on the day of preparation before it,
after the ninth hour. 1 And if any one be caught stealing
their holy books, or their sacred money, whether it be out
of the synagogue, or from the men’s apartments, he shall
be deemed a sacrilegious person, and his goods shall be
confiscated to the public treasury of the Romans. And I
give order, that the decree which they have given me, on
account of the piety which I exercise to all mankind, and
out of regard to Caius Marcus Censorinus, and the present
edict, be put up in the most eminent place consecrated to
me by the community of Asia at Ancyra. 2 And if any one
transgress any part of what is above decreed, he shall be
severely punished.” This was inscribed upon a pillar in
the temple of Caesar Augustus.

§ 3. “ Caesar Augustus sends greeting to Norbanus
Flaccus. Let those Jews, however numerous they be, who
have been used according to their ancient custom to send
their sacred money to Jerusalem, do the same freely.”
These were the decrees of Caesar Augustus.

§ 4. Agrippa also himself wrote in the following manner
on behalf of the Jews. “ Agrippa, to the magistrates,
senate, and people of the Ephesians, greeting. I will
that the care aud custody of the sacred money that is
carried to the temple at Jerusalem be left to the Jews of
Asia, to do with it according to their ancient custom; and
that such as steal that sacred money of the Jews, and flee
to a sanctuary, shall be torn from thence and delivered to
the Jews, by the same law that sacrilegious persons are
tom from thence. I have also written to Silanus the

' This is authentic evidence, that the Jews, in the days of Augustus,
began to prepare for the celebration of the Sabbath at the ninth hour
on Friday, as the tradition of the elders did, it seems, then require of
them.—W.

J Angora in Asia Minor: the inscription was on one of the walls of
the Temple.

172 THE WORKS OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XVI.

prsetor, that no one compel the Jews to appear in court
on the Sabbath-day.”

§ 5. “ Marcus Agrippa, to the magistrates, senate, and
people of Cyrene, greeting. The Jews of Cyrene have
petitioned me for the performance of what Augustus sent
orders about to Flavius, who was then prsetor of Libya,
and to the other procurators of that province, that the
sacred money should be sent to Jerusalem without hin¬
drance, as has been their custom from their forefathers,
for they complain that they are harassed by certain in¬
formers, and, under pretence of taxes which are not due,
are hindered from sending them ; which I command to be
restored them without any diminution or trouble; and
if any of that sacred money in the cities be taken from
their proper receivers, I further enjoin, that the same be
duly returned to the Jews in that place.”

§ 6. “ Caius Norbanus Flaccus, proconsul, sends greeting
to the magistrates and senate of the Sardians. The Em¬
peror has written to me, and commanded me not to forbid
the Jews, however numerous they be, from assembling
together according to the custom of their forefathers, or
from sending their money to Jerusalem. I have therefore
written to you, that you may know that both the Emperor
and I would have you act accordingly.”

§ 7. Nor did Julius Antonius, the proconsul, write
otherwise. “ To the magistrates, senate, and people of the
Ephesians, greeting. As I was dispensing justice at
Ephesus on the Ides of February, the Jews that dwell in
Asia pointed out to me, that Caesar Augustus and Agrippa
had permitted them to use their own laws and customs,
and to offer those their first fruits, which every one of them
freely offers to the Deity on account of piety, and to carry
them in a company together to Jerusalem without let or
hindrance. They also petitioned me, that I would also
confirm what had been granted by Augustus and Agrippa
by my own decree. I would therefore have you take notice,
according to the will of Augustus and Agrippa, that I
permit them to use, and do according to, the customs of
their forefathers without let or hindrance.”

§ 8. I have felt obliged to set down these decrees, be¬
cause the history of our acts will go generally among the

CHAP. VII.] ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

173

Greeks, and I have thus shown them that we were formerly
held in great esteem, and were not prohibited by those
governors we were under from keeping any of the laws
of our forefathers; nay, that we were supported by them
in following our own religion and worship of God. And
I frequently mention these decrees to reconcile other people
to us, and to remove any reasons for that hatred which
inconsiderate men seem naturally to bear to us. As for
our customs, there is no nation which always makes use of
the same, and in every city almost we meet with different
ones; but justice is most for the advantage of all men
equally, both Greeks and barbarians, to which our laws
pay the greatest regard, and so render us, if we observe
them rightly, benevolent and friendly to all men. On
which account we have reason to expect the like return
from others, nor ought they to esteem difference of in¬
stitutions a sufficient cause of alienation, but should look
rather to virtue and probity, for this belongs to all men
in common, and is sufficient of itself alone for the pre¬
servation of human life. I now return to the thread of
my history.

CHAP. VII.

How, upon his going down into David's Tomb, the Troubles
in Herod’s Family greatly increased.

§ 1 -

A S for Herod, he had spent vast sums on the cities both
without and within his own kingdom: and as he
soon heard how Hyrcanus, who had been king before
him, had opened David’s tomb, and taken out of it three
thousand talents of silver, and how there was much more
left, indeed enough to suffice for all his wants, he had long
intended to make an attempt on it, so now he opened the
tomb by night, and went into it, and to prevent its being
known in the city took only his most faithful friends with
him. As for money, he found none, as Hyrcanus had
done, but golden ornaments and various treasures laid
up there, all of which he took away. However, he had a

174 THE WORKS OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XVI.

great desire to make a more diligent search, and to go
further in, even as far as the very coffins of David and
Solomon. But two of his body-guards were slain, by a
flame that burst out upon those that went in, as the report
went, so he was terribly frightened, and went out and
built a propitiatory memorial in white stone at the mouth
of the tomb at great expense, to mark the fright he had
been in. Even Nicolaus his historiographer makes men¬
tion of this building of Herod, though he does not mention
his going down into the tomb, as he knew that action
was indecorous. And many other things he treats in the
same manner in his history. For he wrote in Herod’s life¬
time, and during his reign, and so as to please and serve
him, touching upon nothing but what tended to his glory,
and openly excusing many of his notorious crimes, and
very diligently concealing them. And as he was desirous
to put a good colour on the murder of Mariamne and her
sons, which were barbarous actions on the part of the
king, he tells falsehoods about the incontinence of Mari¬
amne, and the treacherous plots of her sons, and thus he
proceeded in his whole work, passing excessive encomiums
upon the just actions Herod did, and earnestly apologizing
for his unjust ones. However, as I said, one might say a
great deal by way of excuse for Nicolaus ; for he did not
so much write a history for others, as what might serve
the king himself. As for ourselves, who come of a family
nearly allied to the Asamonaean kings, and so have the
honour of the priesthood, we think it unbecoming to say
anything that is false about them, and accordingly we have
described their actions in an honest and upright manner.
And although we reverence many of Herod’s posterity who
still reign, yet do we pay a greater regard to truth than to
them, and that though it has sometimes happened that we
have incurred their displeasure by so doing.

§ 2. Now Herod’s family troubles seemed to be aug¬
mented by the attempt he made upon David’s tomb,
whether divine vengeance increased the calamities he suf¬
fered from, in order to render them incurable, or whether
fortune made an assault upon him in those cases, whereiD
the opportuneness of the case made it strongly believed
that the calamities came upon him for his impiety. For

CHAP. VII.J ANTIQUITIES OP THE JEWS.

175

the quarrels were like a civil war in his palace, and their
hatred towards one another was such that each strove to
exceed one another in calumnies. And Antipater was
always undermining his brothers, and that very cunningly:
he got them loaded with accusations, but took upon him¬
self frequently to apologize for them, that this seeming
benevolence to them might make him get believed, and for¬
ward his attempts against them. By this means he in
various ways circumvented his father, who believed that
all he did was for his preservation. Herod also recom¬
mended Ptolemy, who was the manager of the affairs of
his kingdom, to Antipater, and consulted with his mother
about important matters also. And indeed these were all
in all, and did what they pleased, and made the king
angry with any other persons, as they thought would be to
their own advantage. So the sons of Mariamne got in a
worse and worse condition perpetually, and as they were
passed over, and set in a more dishonourable rank, though
by birth the most noble, they could not bear the dishonour.
As for the women, Alexander’s wife Glaphyra, the daughter
of Archelaus, was hated by Salome, both because of her
love to her own husband, and because of Glaphyra’s
seeming to behave herself somewhat insolently towards
her daughter, 1 who was the wife of Aristobulus, which
equality of rank to herself Glaphyra took very impa¬
tiently.

§ 3. Now, besides this second strife that had fallen out
among them, neither did the king’s brother Pheroras keep
himself out of trouble, but gave private grounds for sus¬
picion and hatred. For he was overcome by the charms of
his wife to such a degree of madness, that he despised the
king’s daughter, to whom he had been betrothed, and
wholly adhered to his wife, who had been but a slave.
So Herod was vexed at the dishonour done him, because
he had bestowed many favours upon him, and had ad¬
vanced him to that height of power that he was almost a
partner with him in the kingdom, and saw that he did not
make him a due return for his favours, and esteemed him¬
self unhappy on that account. So upon Pheroras’ refusal,

1 Berenice, the daughter of Salome.

176 THE WORKS OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XVI.

he gave the damsel to Phasaelus’s son: hut after some
time, when he thought the heat of his brother’s affection
for his wife was abated, he blamed him for his former
conduct, and asked him to take his second daughter,
whose name was Cypros. Ptolemy also advised him to
leave off affronting his brother, and to put away her whom
he loved, for it was disgraceful to be so enamoured of a
slave, as to deprive himself of the king’s good-will to him,
and become an occasion of his trouble, and make himself
hated by him. Pheroras knew that this advice was for his
good, particularly as he had been accused before, and
forgiven; so he put the poor woman away, although he
had already a son by her, and promised the king that he
would take his second daughter, and agreed that the thir¬
tieth day after should be the day of marriage; and swore
he would have no further intercourse with her whom he
had put away. But when the thirty days were over, he
was such a slave to his affections, that he no longer per¬
formed anything he had promised, but continued still with
his former wife. This plainly grieved Herod and made
him angry, so that the king dropped one word or other
against Pheroras perpetually; and many made the king’s
anger an opportunity for calumniating him. Nor had the
king any longer a single quiet day or hour, but some fresh
quarrel or other arose among his relations and those that
were dearest to him. For Salome was of a harsh temper,
and ill-natured to Mariamne’s sons, nor would she suffer
her own daughter, who was the wife of Aristobulus, one of
those young men, to live happily with her husband, but per¬
suaded her to tell her if he said anything to her in private;
and when any misunderstanding happened, as is common,
she raised a great many suspicions out of it; by which
means she learned all their concerns, and made the damsel
ill-natured to the young man. And in order to gratify her
mother, she often said that the young men used to mention
Mariamne when they were by themselves, and that they
hated their father, and were continually threatening, if
they once got the kingdom, that they would make Herod’s
sons by his other wives village-clerks, for the present
education which was given them, and their diligence in
learning, fitted them for such an employment; while as

CHAP. VII.]

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

177

for the women, whenever they saw them adorned with their
mother’s clothes, they threatened, that instead of their
present gaudy apparel, they should be clothed in sackcloth,
and confined so closely that they should not see the light
of the sun. These stories were at once carried by Salome
to the king, who was troubled to hear them, and en¬
deavoured to make up matters; but these suspicions
afflicted him, and becoming more and more uneasy, he
believed everybody against everybody. However, upon his
rebuking his sons, and hearing their defence, he was easier
for a while, though a little afterwards much worse troubles
came upon him.

§ 4. For Pheroras went to Alexander, the husband of
Glaphyra, who was the daughter of Archelaus, as I have
already stated, and said, that he had heard from Salome,
that Herod was enamoured of Glaphyra, and that his pas¬
sion for her was vehement. When Alexander heard that,
he was all on fire from his youth and jealousy, and put
the worst interpretation on Herod’s attentions to her, winch
were very frequent, from the suspicions he had on account
of what fell from Pheroras. Nor could he conceal his
grief at the thing, but went to his father and informed him
of what Pheroras had said. Upon this Herod was more
put out than ever, and not being able to bear such a false
calumny, which tended to his shame, was much disturbed at
it: and often did he complain of the wickedness of his rela¬
tions, and how good he had been to them, and what ill return
they had made him. And he sent for Pheroras, and re¬
proached him, and said, “ Thou vilest of all men I art thou
come to that unmeasureable and extravagant degree of in¬
gratitude, as not only to suppose but to speak such things of
me? I now indeed perceive what thy intentions are, it is not
thy aim only to reproach me, in using such words to my son,
but thereby to tempt him to plot against me, and take me
off by poison. For who, if he had not a good genius like
my son, would have guch a suspicion of his father, and not
revenge himself upon him ? Dost thou suppose that thou
hast only dropped a word for him to think of, and not
rather put a sword into his hand to slay his father? And
what dost thou mean, when thou really hatest both him
and his brother, by pretending kindness to them, only

III. N

178 THE WORKS OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XVI.

to raise calumnies against me, and by talking of such
things as no one but such an impious wretch as thou art
could either devise in mind or declare in words. Begone,
thou that art such a vile plague to thy benefactor and
brother, and may that evil conscience of thine go along
with thee ; and may I still overcome my relations by kind¬
ness, and be so far from avenging myself on them as they
deserve, as to bestow greater benefits upon them than they
are worthy of.”

§ 5. Thus did the king speak. Whereupon Pheroras,
who was caught in the very act of his villainy, said, that
Salome had concocted this plot, and that the words came
from her. And as soon as she heard that (for she happened
to be at hand), she cried out plausibly that no such word ever
came out of her mouth, and that they all earnestly endea¬
voured to make the king hate her, and to get rid of her,
because of the good-will she bore to Herod, and because
she was always foreseeing the dangers that were coming
upon him; and that at present there were more plots
against him than usual; and as she was the only person
who had urged her brother to put away the wife he now
had, and to marry the king’s daughter, it was no wonder if
she was hated by him. As she said this, and often tore her
hair, and often beat her breast, her countenance made her
denial somewhat plausible, but the malignity of her
character argued her dissimulation. But Pheroras was in
a fix, and had nothing plausible to offer in his own defence,
for he confessed that he had said what was charged against
him, but was not believed when he said he had heard it from
Salome. So the confusion among them, and their quarrel¬
some words to one another, increased. At last the king,
out of his hatred to his brother and sister, sent them both
away ; and when he had commended the moderation of his
son in himself telling him of the report, as it was now late
he went to rest. After such a contest as this had fallen
out among them, Salome’s reputation suffered greatly,
since she was supposed to have first raised the calumny;
and the king’s wives hated her, knowing she was a very ill-
natured woman and unreliable, as she would sometimes
be a friend, and sometimes an enemy. So they perpetually
said one thing or other against her to Herod, and some-

CHAP. VII.] ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 179

thing that now happened made them the holder in speak¬
ing against her.

§ 6. There was one Obodas, king of Arabia, an inactive
and slothful man in his nature; and Syllaeus managed
most of his affairs for him. He was an able man, although
but young, and was handsome also. This Syllaeus upon
some occasion coming to Herod, and supping with him,
saw Salome, and set his heart upon her; and understand¬
ing that she was a widow he made up to her. Now because
Salome was at this time less in favour with her brother,
and looked upon Syllaeus with some passion, she was very
earnest to be married to him ; and on the following days,
as they went to supper, there appeared many and very
great indications of their mutual understanding. Now the
women carried this news to the king, and laughed at the
unseemliness of it; whereupon Herod inquired further
about it of Pheroras, and desired him to observe at
supper how they behaved to one another; and he
told him that by their nods and looks they were both
evidently in love. After this the Arabian being suspected
went away, but came again two or three months after¬
wards, as if on that very design, and spoke to Herod about
it, and asked that Salome might be given him to wife ; for
he said that affinity with him might be not unprofitable to
Herod through his connection with Arabia, the government
of which country was already in effect in his hands,
and would be still more so hereafter. And when Herod
discoursed with his sister about it, and asked her, whether
she were disposed to the match, she quickly agreed to it.
But when Syllaeus was asked to conform to the Jewish re¬
ligion, and then he should marry her (for it was impossible
to do so on any other terms), he would not hear of it,
but went his way, for he said if he should do so, he would
be stoned by the Arabs. Then did Pheroras twit Salome
with her lust, as did the women much more, who said that
Syllaeus had had connection with her. As for the damsel,
whom the king had betrothed to his brother Pheroras, who
had not taken her, as I have before stated, because he was
enamoured of his wife, Salome asked Herod that she might
be given to her son by Costobarus, which match Herod had
no objection to, but was dissuaded from it by Pheroras,

180

THE WORKS OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XVI.

who pleaded that this young man would not he kind to
her, because of the murder of his father, and that it was
much more just that his son should have her, who was to
he his successor in the tetrarchy. So he sued for pardon,
and the king’s wrath was over. And the damsel, upon
this change of her espousals, was disposed of to this young
man, the son of Pheroras, the king giving her also as her
portion a hundred talents.

CHAP. VIII.

How Herod arrested Alexander, and put him in prison, and
how Archelaus, King of Cappadocia, reconciled him to his
Father Herod again.

§ 1 -

H OWEVER affairs in Herod’s family grew no better, but
were every day more troublesome. And the following
circumstance happened, which arose from no decent occa¬
sion, and proceeded so far as to bring great difficulties
upon him. There were certain eunuchs whom the king
was very fond of on account of their beauty; and the
care of bringing him drink was intrusted to one of
them, of bringing him his supper to another, and of
putting him to bed to the third, who almost managed the
principal affairs of the kingdom. Now some one told the
king that these eunuchs had been corrupted by Alexander
the king’s son with great sums of money. And when
Herod asked them if Alexander had had criminal dealings
with them, they confessed that he had, but said they knew
of no further criminality on his part against his father. But
when they were tortured, and were in the utmost extre¬
mity, for the tormentors to gratify Antipater stretched the
rack to the very utmost, they said that Alexander bore
great ill-will and innate hatred to his father: and that he
had told them, that Herod despaired of living much longer,
and that in order to cover his great age, he dyed his hair
black, and endeavoured to conceal what would discover
how old he was; but if they would join him, when he
should attain the kingdom, which, in spite of his father.

181

CHAP. Till.] ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

would come to no one else, they should quickly have the
first place in the kingdom under him; and he was now
ready to take the kingdom, not only as his birthright, but
by the preparations he had made for obtaining it, because
a great many of the rulers, and a great many of his friends
were zealous partisans of his, ready both to do and to
suffer anything.

§ 2. When Herod heard this confession, he was all over
anger and fear, some parts of it seeming to him insulting,
and some making him suspicious of dangers that awaited
him, insomuch that on both accounts he was provoked, and
bitterly afraid lest some worse plot should be actually laid
against him than he should be able to escape from now.
So he did not any longer make any open search, but sent
about spies to watch such as he suspected, for he was now
overrun with suspicion and hatred against everybody, and
indulging his suspicions, in order to his preservation, he
continually suspected those that were innocent. Nor did
he set any bounds to himself, but supposing that those
who were near him had the most power to hurt him, they
were his bugbears; and for those that were not used to come
to him, it seemed enough generally to name them [to make
them suspected], and he thought himself safer when they
were at once put to death. At last his courtiers were come to
that pass, that being no way secure of escaping themselves,
they fell to accusing one another, imagining that he who
first accused another was most likely to save himself. Yet,
when any had thus overthrown others, they were hated, and
they were thought to suffer justly, who unjustly accused
others only thereby to anticipate being accused themselves.
Nay, at last they avenged their own private enmities by
this means, and when they were caught they were punished
in the same way, using this opportunity as an instrument
and snare against their enemies, yet when they tried it
often themselves caught in the same snare which they
laid for others. And the king soon repented of what he
had done, because he had no clear evidence of the guilt of
those whom he had slain; and yet what was still more
severe in him, he did not make use of his repentance in
order to leave off doing the like again, but in order to in¬
flict the same punishment upon their accusers.

182 THE WORKS OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XVI.

§ 3. And in this troubled state were the affairs of the
palace; and Herod had already told many of his friends
not to appear before him, nor come into the palace; and
the reason of this injunction was that [when they were
there] he had less freedom of action, or greater restraint
on himself on their account. And at this time it was that he
dismissed Andromachus and Gemellus, men who had been
very old friends of his, and been very useful to him in the
affairs of his kingdom, and been of advantage to his family
in their embassages and counsels ; and had been tutors to
his sons, and had in a manner the first degree of freedom
with him. He dismissed Andromachus, because his son De¬
metrius was intimate with Alexander, and Gemellus, because
he knew that he wished Alexander well, which arose from his
having been with him in his youth when he was at school,
and also with him when he was absent at Rome. These
he expelled from his palace, and would have liked to have
done worse to them ; but that he might not seem to take
such liberty against men of so great reputation, he con¬
tented himself with depriving them of their rank and
power to hinder his wicked proceedings.

§ 4. Now Antipater was the cause of all this, who when
he saw the mad and licentious conduct of his father, as
he had been a great while one of his counsellors, egged
him on, and thought he would gain his own ends more,
when everyone that could oppose him was removed out of
the way. When therefore Andromachus and his friends
were driven away, and had no freedom of access or speech
with the king any longer, the king in the first place examined
by torture all whom he thought faithful to Alexander, to
see whether they knew of any plot against him; but they
died under the torture without having anything to say,
which made the king more furious, that he could not find
out the evil proceedings he suspected. As for Antipater,
he was very clever in raising calumny against those that
were really innocent, as if their denial was only their con¬
stancy and fidelity [to Alexander,] and instigated Herod
by the torture of more persons to discover any hidden
plots. Now a certain person among the many that were
tortured, said that he knew that Alexander had often said
(when he was commended as a tall man in his body, and a

CHAP. VIII.] AHTIQUITIE8 OP THE JEWS.

183

skilful marksman, and told that in his exercises he exceeded
all men), that these qualifications given him by nature,
though good in themselves, were not advantageous to him,
because his father was grieved at them, and envied him for
them; so that when he walked with his father he endea¬
voured to depress and shorten himself, that he might not
appear too tall, and that when he shot at anything as he was
hunting, he missed his mark on purpose when his father was
by, for he knew how ambitious his father was of being first
in such exercises. So when the man was tormented about
this saying, and had his body given ease after, he added,
that Alexander had his brother Aristobulus as his assis¬
tant, and that they resolved to lie in wait for their father,
as he was hunting, and kill him: and when they had done
so, to flee to Eome, and ask to have the kingdom given to
Alexander. There were also letters of the young man
found written to his brother, wherein he complained, that
his father did not act justly in giving Antipater a country,
whose [yearly] revenues amounted to two hundred talents.
Upon these confessions Herod at once thought he had
something to depend on as to his suspicion about his sons;
so he arrested Alexander and put him in prison. Yet did
he still continue to be uneasy, and was not quite satisfied
of the truth of what he had heard; and when he con¬
sidered the matter, he found that they had only exhibited
juvenile complaints and contentions, and that it was an
incredible thing, if his son should slay him, that he should
go openly to Eome; so he was desirous to have some
surer proof of his son’s wickedness, and was very solicitous
about it, that he might not appear to have condemned
him to be put in prison too rashly. So he tortured the
principal of Alexander’s friends, and put not a few of
them to death, without getting out of them any of the
things which he suspected. And as Herod was very
busy about this matter, and the palace was full of
terror and trouble, one of the young men, when he was in
the utmost agony, said that Alexander had sent to his
friends at Eome, and asked that he might be quickly in¬
vited there by Augustus, and that he could discover a plot
against him, for Mithridates, the king of Parthia, was
joined in a friendship with his father against the Eomans;

184 THE W0BK8 OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XVI.

he also added that Alexander had a poisonous potion ready
prepared at Asealon.

§ 5. To this Herod gave credit, and enjoyed thereby, in
his miserable case, some sort of consolation for his rash¬
ness, in flattering himself with finding things in so bad
a condition. But as for the poisonous potion, though he
was anxious to find it, he could find none. As for Alex¬
ander, he was desirous from a contentious spirit to aggra¬
vate the great misfortunes he was in, so he denied not
the accusation, but punished the rashness of his father with
a greater fault of his own; and perhaps he wished to make
his father thereby ashamed of his easy belief of such
calumnies: he aimed especially, if he could gain belief to
his story, to plague him and his whole kingdom. For he
wrote four letters, and sent them to Herod to tell him, that
he need not torture any more persons, nor search any
further, for he had himself plotted against him, and that he
had as his partners Pheroras and the most faithful of the
king’s friends; and that Salome came to him by night,
and lay with him against his will; and that all men were
come to be of one mind to make away with the king as soon
as they could, and so get rid of the continual fear of him
they were in. Among others he accused Ptolemy and Sapin-
nius, who were the most faithful friends of the king. And
what more can be said, but that those who were before the
most intimate friends were become wild beasts to one an¬
other, as if a certain madness had fallen upon them, and
there was no room for defence or refutation, in order to
the discovery of the truth, but all were at random doomed
to destruction; so that some lamented those that were in
prison, others those that had been put to death, others
that they were in the expectation of the same miseries: and
dejection and solitude rendered the kingdom quite the re¬
verse of the happy state it formerly enjoyed. Herod’s own
life also was bitter to him, so greatly alarmed was he;
and because he could trust nobody, he was sorely punished
by the expectation of further misery, for he often fancied
in his imagination, that his son had made an insurrection
against him, or even stood by him with a sword in his
hand. Thus was his mind night and day intent upon
this thing, and he revolved it over and over, just as if he

CHAP. Till.] ANTIQUITIES OP THE JEWS.

185

were distracted. Such was the sad condition Herod was
now in.

§ 6. But when Archelaus, king of Cappadocia, heard of
the state that Herod was in, being in great distress about
his daughter, and the young man [her husband,] and
sorry for Herod as a man that was his friend, on account
of the great trouble he was in, he came [to Jerusalem] on
purpose to arrange matters. And when he found Herod
in such a state, he thought it wholly unseasonable to
reprove him, or to say that he had acted rashly, for he
would thereby naturally bring him to dispute the point
with him, and make him the more irritated by his having
still more to apologize for himself. He went therefore
another way to work, in order to improve matters, and
appeared angry with the young man, and said, that Herod
was so very mild a man, that he had not acted a rash part
at all. He also said he would dissolve his daughter’s mar¬
riage with Alexander, for he could not in justice spare his
own daughter, if she were conscious of anything, and did
not inform Herod of it. When Archelaus appeared in this
mood, far otherwise than Herod expected, and. in the main
angry on Herod’s account, the king abated his harsh¬
ness, and took occasion, from his appearing to have acted
justly hitherto, to come by degrees to put on the affection
of a father ; and was on both sides to be pitied, for when
some persons refuted the calumnies that were laid on the
young man, he fell into a passion, but when Archelaus
joined in the accusation, he was dissolved into tears and
great sorrow; and begged that he would not dissolve his
son’s marriage, or be so angry at his offences. So when
Archelaus had brought him to a more moderate temper,
he shifted the charges to his friends, and said, it must be
owing to them that so young a man, and one without a
touch of malice, was corrupted, and thought there was
more reason to suspect the brother than the son. Upon
this Herod was very much displeased at Pheroras, who
indeed had now no one that could reconcile him and his
brother ; so when he saw that Archelaus had the greatest
influence with Herod, he betook himself to him in the
guise of a mourner, and like one that had all the signs
upon him of a ruined man. Upon this Archelaus did not

186

THE WORKS OF FLAVIUS J08EPHUS. [BOOK XVI.

neglect the intercession he made to him, but said that he
could not change the king’s disposition to him immediately,
and said that it was best for him to go himself to the king,
and confess himself the occasion of all the trouble, and beg
the king’s pardon, for that would mitigate the king’s
anger towards him, and he would be present to assist
him. When he had persuaded him to this, he gained his
point with both of them, and the calumnies raised against
the young man were contrary to all expectation wiped
off. And Archelaus, as soon as he had made this reconci¬
liation between Pheroras and Herod, went away to Cappa¬
docia, having proved at this critical juncture the most ac¬
ceptable person to Herod in the world ; on which account
he gave him the richest presents as tokens of his respect to
him, being on all occasions magnificent, and esteemed him
as one of his dearest friends. He also made an agreement
with him that he would go to Rome, because he had written
to Augustus about these affairs, and they went together as
far as Antioch. And there Herod made a reconciliation
between Archelaus and Titus (the president of Syria), who
had been greatly at variance, and then returned to Judaea.

CHAP. IX.

Concerning the Revolt of the Trachonites; how Syllceus
accused Herod before Augustus; and how Herod, when
Augustus was angry with him, resolved to send Nicolaus
to Rome.

§ 1 -

HEN Herod had been at Rome, and had come back

* V again, a war broke out between him and the Ara¬
bians, for the following reason. The Trachonites, 1 after
Augustus had taken their country away from Zenodorus,
and added it to Herod, were no longer permitted to rob,
but were forced to plough the land, and to live quietly,
which was a thing they did not like: and though they
took pains, the ground did not produce much profit.

1 The inhabitants of Trachonitis, el-Lejah.

CHAP. IX.] ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 187

However, from the first, the king would not permit them
to rob, and so they abstained from that unjust way of
living upon their neighbours, which got Herod a great
reputation for his pains; but when he sailed to Borne (it
was when he went to accuse his son Alexander, and to
commit his son Antipater to Augustus’ protection), the
Trachonites spread a report that he was dead, and re¬
volted from his sway, and betook themselves again to their
accustomed way of robbing their neighbours. For the
time the king’s commanders subdued them during Herod’s
absence, but about forty of the principal robbers, being
terrified by the punishment of those that had been taken,
left the country, and retired into Arabia, Syllseus enter¬
taining them now he had missed of marrying Salome, and
giving them a place of strength, in which they dwelt. And
they overran and pillaged not only Judaea but all Coele-Syria
also, while Syllseus afforded points d’appui and security to
these illdoers. But when Herod came back from Borne,
he perceived that his dominions had greatly suffered at
their hands, and since he could not reach the robbers
themselves, because of the security which the protection
of the Arabians afforded them, being very angry at the
injuries they had done him, he went over all Trachonitis,
and slew their relations. Thereupon these robbers were
more angry than before, it being a law among them to
be avenged on the murderers of their relations by all
possible means, so they continued to harry and plunder
all Herod’s dominions with impunity. Then did Herod
speak about these robbers to Satuminus and Yolumnius,
and demanded that they should be punished ; upon which
they waxed stronger, and became more numerous, and
by their rising threw everything into confusion, laying
waste the countries and villages that belonged to Herod’s
kingdom, and butchering men whom they took prisoners,
till these unjust proceedings came to be like a real war,
for the robbers were now become about a thousand. At
which Herod was sore displeased, and demanded the
surrender of the robbers, as well as the money which
he had lent Obodas through Syllseus, which was sixty
talents, and since the time of payment was now past, he
desired to have it paid him. But Syllseus, who had set

188 THE WORKS OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XVI.

Obodas aside, and managed everything himself, denied
that the robbers were in Arabia, and put off the payment
of the money : about which there was a discussion before
Satuminus and Yolumnius, who were then the governors
of Syria. At last he, on their decision, agreed that within
thirty days Herod should be paid his money, and that
each of them should deliver up the other’s subjects. Now,
as to Herod, there was not one of the other’s subjects
found in his kingdom, either for committing any crime or
on any other account, but it was proved that the Arabians
had the robbers amongst them.

§ 2. When the day appointed for payment of the money
was past, Syllaeus, without performing any part of his
agreement, set out for Rome. So Herod demanded the
payment of the money, and that the robbers that were in
Arabia should be delivered up, and, by permission of
Saturninus and Yolumnius, took the law into his own
hands against those that were refractory. He took the
army that he had, and led it into Arabia; and in three
days’ time, by forced marches, he arrived at the garrison
wherein the robbers were, and took it by storm, and cap¬
tured them all, and demolished the place, which was called
Raipta, 1 but did no harm to any others. But as the Ara¬
bians came to the assistance of the robbers, under Nacebus
their captain, a battle ensued, wherein a few of Herod’s
soldiers, and Nacebus, the captain of the Arabians, and
about twenty of his men fell, while the rest betook them¬
selves to flight. So when Herod had punished them, he
settled three thousand Idumseans in Trachonitis, and so
restrained the robbers that were there. He also sent an ac¬
count of these things to the captains that were in Phomice, 2
showing that he had done nothing but what he ought
to do, in punishing the refractory Arabians, which, upon
exact inquiry, they found to be true.

§ 3. However, messengers hurried away to Syllaeus to
Rome, and informed him of what had been done, and, as
is usual, exaggerated everything. Now Syllaeus had al¬
ready wormed himself into the acquaintance of Augustus,
and was then about the palace, and as soon as he heard of

1 Site unknown.

1 Phoenicia.

CHAP. IX.]

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

189

these things, he changed his dress to black, and went in,
and told Augustus that Arabia was afflicted with war, and
that all his kingdom was in great confusion, because of
Herod’s laying it waste with his army: and added, with
tears in his eyes, that two thousand five hundred of the
principal men among the Arabians had fallen, and that
their captain Nacebus, his familiar friend and kinsman,
had been slain; and that the riches that were at Baipta
had been carried off; and that Obodas was despised, as
his infirm state of body rendered him unfit for war; on
which account neither he, nor the Arabian army, were
present. When Syllseus had said this, and added invidiously
that he would not himself have left the country, unless he
had believed that Augustus would have provided that they
should all have peace with one another, and that, had he
been there, he would have taken care that the war should
not have been to Herod’s advantage; Augustus was nettled
at what was said, and asked only this one question, both
of Herod’s friends that were there, and of his own friends,
who were come from Syria, “ Whether Herod had led an
army there ? ” And as they were forced to admit this,
Augustus, without staying to hear why and how he did
so, grew very angry, and wrote to Herod sharply. The
sum of his letter was that, whereas of old he had treated
Herod as his friend, he should now treat him as his sub¬
ject. Syllseus also wrote an account of this to the Arabians.
And they were so elated at it, that they neither delivered
up the robbers that had fled to them, nor paid the money
that was due, and retained those pastures also which they
had hired, and kept them without paying their rent, and
all this because the king of the Jews was now humiliated
because of Augustus’ anger with him. The inhabitants of
Trachonitis also seized their opportunity, and rose up
against the Idumsean garrison, and followed the same way
of robbing as the Arabians, who had pillaged their
country, and were more active in their unjust proceedings,
not only for gain, but for revenge also.

§ 4. Now Herod was forced to bear all this, that con¬
fidence of his being quite gone with which Augustus’ favour
used to inspire him, and his spirit failed him. For Augustus
would not so much as receive an embassage from him to

190 THE WORKS OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XVI.

make an apology, and when the envoys came a second time,
he sent them away without success. So Herod was in de¬
jection and fear, and Syllseus grieved him exceedingly, as
he was now trusted by Augustus, and was present at Rome,
nay, aspired even higher. For Obodas was dead, and
iEneas, whose name was now changed to Aretas, 1 took over
the rule over the Arabians. And Syllseus endeavoured by
calumnies to get him turned out of his kingdom that he
might himself take it: with which design he gave much
money to the courtiers, and promised much money to
Augustus, who indeed was angry that Aretas had not
written to him first before he took the kingdom. But
Aretas afterwards himself also sent a letter and presents
to Augustus, and a golden crown of the weight of many
talents. And his letter accused Syllseus of having been a
wicked servant, and of having killed Obodas by poison,
and while he was alive, of having governed him as he
pleased, and of having also debauched the wives of the
Arabians, and of having borrowed money, in order to ob¬
tain the kingdom for himself. But Augustus did not listen
to these accusations, but sent his ambassadors back, with¬
out receiving any of his presents. And meantime affairs
in Judaea and Arabia became worse and worse, partly
because of the disorder they were in, and partly because,
bad as they were, nobody had power to bring them round.
For of the two kings, the one was not yet confirmed in
his kingdom, and so had not authority sufficient to restrain
evildoers; and as for Herod, Augustus was angry with
him, for having so soon avenged himself, and so he was
compelled to bear all the injuries that were offered him.
At last, when he saw no end of the evils which surrounded
him, he resolved to send an ambassador to Rome again, to
see whether through his friends he could mitigate the wrath
of Augustus, and to have an interview with Augustus
himself. And the ambassador he sent was Nicolaus of
Damascus.

1 This Aretas was now become so established a name for the kings
of Arabia, that when the crown came to this jEneas, he changed his
name to Aretas, as Havercamp here justly observes. See Antiq. xiii. 15,

CHAP, X,]

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

191

CHAP. X.

How Eurycles falsely accused Herod’s Sons, and how their
Father put them in prison, and wrote to Augustus about
them. Of Syllceus, and how he was accused by Nicolaus.

§ L

T HE troubles in Herod’s family and about his sons at
this time grew much worse; for it now appeared cer¬
tain, nor was it unforeseen beforehand, that fortune
threatened the greatest and most insupportable misfor¬
tunes possible to his kingdom. Their progress and increase
at this time was due to the following cause. One Eurycles,
a Lacedaemonian (a person of note in his own country, but
a man of perverse mind, and so cunning in his pleasures
and flattery, as to indulge both, and yet seem to indulge
neither), visited Herod’s court, and made him presents,
but so that he received more presents from him. He also
seized such opportunities of worming himself into Herod’s
friendship, that he became one of the most intimate of the
king’s friends. He lodged in Antipater’s house, but he
had access to and intimacy with Alexander, for he told
him that he was in great favour with Archelaus the king
of Cappadocia. He also pretended much respect to Gla¬
phyra, and secretly cultivated a friendship with them all,
but always observed what was said and done, that he
might with calumnies please them all. In short, he be¬
haved himself so to everybody as to appear to be his par¬
ticular friend, and he made others believe that his asso¬
ciating with any one was for that person’s advantage. So
he won over Alexander, who was but young, and persuaded
him that he might open his grievances to him with safety,
but to nobody else. So he declared his grief to him, and
how his father was alienated from him, and related also the
affairs of his mother, and how Antiochus had driven him
and his brother from their proper honour, and had the
power over everything himself. He added that all
this was intolerable, as his father had already come to
hate them, and would neither admit them to his table, nor

192 THE WORKS OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XVI.

to his presence. Such were the complaints, as was but
natural, of Alexander, as to the things that troubled
him ; and Eurycles retailed these words to Antipater : and
told him, he did not inform him of them on his own
account; but that, being overcome by his kindness, the
great importance of the matter obliged him to do so, and
he warned him to have a care of Alexander, for what he
said was spoken with vehemence, and in the words them¬
selves lay murder. So Antipater, thinking him to be his
friend by this advice, gave him great presents upon all
occasions, and at last persuaded him to inform Herod of
this. So when he related to the king Alexander’s dis¬
pleasure, as discovered by the words he had heard him
speak, he was easily believed, and brought the king to
that pass, turning him about by his words and irritating
him, that he made his hatred implacable: as he showed at
that very time, for he immediately gave Eurycles a present
of fifty talents. And he, when he had received them,
went to Archelaus king of Cappadocia, and commended
Alexander to him, and told him that he had been many
ways useful to him in making reconciliation between him
and his father. So he got money from him also, and went
away, before his pernicious practices were found out; and
when Eurycles returned to Lacedaemon, he did not leave off
mischief making, and at last for his many acts of injus¬
tice was banished from his own country.

§ 2. As for Herod, he was not now in the temper he was
in formerly towards Alexander and Aristobulus, when he
had been content with only hearing calumnies of them
when others told him, for he was now come to that pass of
hatred as to urge men to speak against them, though they
did not do it of themselves. He also observed all that was
said, and put questions, and gave ear to everyone that
would but speak, if they could but say anything against
them, till at length he heard that Euaratus of Cos was a
conspirator with Alexander, which news was to Herod the
most agreeable and sweetest imaginable.

§ 3. But a still greater misfortune came upon the young
men, for new calumnies against them were continually
being fabricated, and, so to speak, as if it was everyone’s
task to lay some grievous thing to their charge, which

CHAP. X.J

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

193

might appear to be for the king’s safety. There were two
body-guards of Herod held in honour for their strength
and height, Jucundus and Tyrannus, who had been
cast off by Herod, who was displeased with them, and
now used to ride with Alexander, and for their skill in
their exercises were held in honour by him, and had some
gold and other gifts bestowed upon them. Now the king
having at once suspicion of these men, had them tortured,
and they endured the torture courageously for a long time,
but at last confessed that Alexander urged them to kill
Herod when he was hunting wild beasts; for it could
be said he fell from his horse, and was run through with
his own spear, for he had once met with such a misfortune
formerly. They also showed where there was money
hidden in a stable under ground, and convicted the king’s
chief hunter of having given them the royal hunting spears,
and weapons to Alexander’s attendants, at Alexander’s
command.

§ 4. Next to these the commander of the garrison of
Alexandrium 1 was arrested and tortured; for he was ac¬
cused of having promised to receive the young men into
his fortress, and to supply them with money of the king
which was stored up in that fortress. He confessed nothing
himself; but his son came forward, and said it was so, and
delivered up a letter which, so far as could be guessed, was
in Alexander’s hand-writing. Its contents were as follows.
“When we have finished, by God’s help, all that we have
proposed to do, we will come to you : but endeavour, as you
have promised, to receive us into your fortress.” After this
writing was produced, Herod had no longer any doubt
about the treacherous designs of his sons against him.
But Alexander said that Diophantus the scribe had
imitated his hand-writing, and that the letter was a for¬
gery of Antipater. For Diophantus appeared to be very
clever in such practices, and was afterwards convicted of
forging other papers, and therefore put to death.

§ 5. And the king produced before the multitude at
Jericho those that had been tortured, in order to have
them accuse the young men ; and many of the people

Kefr Istuna.

194 THE WORKS OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XVI.

stoned these accusers to death. But when they were going
to kill Alexander and Aristobulus likewise, the king would
not permit them to do so, but restrained the multitude by
the help of Ptolemy and Pheroras. However, the young
men were put under a guard, and kept in custody, and
nobody might any longer have access to them: and all
that they dad or said was observed, and the reproach and
fear they were in was little or nothing different from that
of condemned criminals. And one of them, Aristobulus,
was so deeply afEeeted, that he induced Salome, who was
his aunt and mother-in-law, to sympathize with him in his
calamities, and to hate him who had been persuaded to let
things come to that pass; when he said to her, “ Are
not you also in danger of destruction, as the report goes
that you disclosed beforehand all our affairs to Syllaeus,
when you were in hopes of being married to him F ” But
she immediately carried these words to her brother. And
he, being no longer able to control his rage, gave command to
bind them and keep them apart from one another, to write
down the ill things they had done against their father, and
send them on to Augustus. And when this was enjoined
them, they wrote that they had laid no treacherous design,
nor formed any plot against their father, but that they
had intended to flee away, and that from the distress
they were in, their lives being now suspected and full of
anxiety.

§ 6. About this time there came an ambassador out of
Cappadocia 1 from Archelaus, one Melas, who was a ruler
under him. And Herod wishing to show Archelaus’ ill-
will to him, sent for Alexander, as he was in his bonds,
and asked him again concerning their proposed flight, as
to whither and how they had resolved to flee ? Alexander
replied, “ To Archelaus, who had promised to send them
thence to Borne, but that they had no wicked nor mis¬
chievous designs against their father, and that none of the
charges fabricated against them by their adversaries was
true ; and that they wished Tyrannus and his associates
were yet alive that they might have been examined more
strictly, but that they had been suddenly slain by means

1 The portion of Asia Minor lying west of the Anti-Taurus range.
The principal town was Mazaca, Caesarea, Kaisarlyeh.

CHAP. X.] ANTIQUITIES OP THE JEWS. 195

of Autipater, who put his own friends among the multi¬
tude [for that purpose.”]

§ 7. When he had said this, Herod commanded that
both Alexander and Melas should he carried to Glaphyra,
the daughter of Archelaus, and that she should be asked
whether she did not know anything of plots against Herod?
Now as soon as they came to her, and she saw Alexander
in bonds, she beat her head, and in great consternation
gave a deep and moving groan. The young man also fell
into tears. This was so miserable a sight to those pre¬
sent, that, for a great while, they were not able to say or
do anything; but at last Ptolemy, who had been ordered
to bring Alexander, bade him say, if his wife were privy to
his actions ? He replied, “ How is it possible, that she,
whom I love better than my own soul, and by whom I have
had children, should not know what I do ? ” Upon which
she cried out, that “ she knew of no wicked designs of his;
but yet, if accusing herself falsely would tend to his pre¬
servation, she would confess all.” Then Alexander said,
“ There is no such wickedness as those (who ought least
to do so) suspect, which either I have intended, or you
know of, but this only, that we had resolved to retire to
Archelaus, and from thence to Borne.” And when she
also confessed this, Herod, supposing that Archelaus’ ill-
will to him was fully proved, gave a letter to Olympus and
Volumnius, and bade them, as they sailed by, to touch at
Elseusa 1 in Cilicia, and give it to Archelaus, and when they
had expostulated with him for having a hand in his sons’
plot against him, to sail thence to Borne; and if they found
Nicolaus had gained any ground, and that Augustus was
no longer displeased with Herod, to give him the letters
and proofs which he sent ready prepared against the young
men. As to Archelaus, he made this defence for himself,
that he had promised to receive the young men, because it
was both for their own and their father’s advantage to do
so, lest he should take some violent step in the anger he
was in because of his present suspicions ; but that he had
not promised to send them to Augustus, nor had he
promised anything else to the young men that could show
ill-will to him.

1 See Antiq. xvF. 4, § 6; Jewish War, i. 23, § 4.

196 THE WORKS OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XVI.

§ 8. When Olympus and Volumnius reached Rome,
they had a good opportunity of delivering their letters to
Augustus, because they found him reconciled to Herod.
For Nicolaus’ embassage had gone off as follows. As soon
as he was come to Rome, and was about the court, he did
not first only set about what he was come for, but he
thought fit also to accuse Syllaeus. Now the Arabians,
even before he came to talk with them, openly quarrelled
with one another, and some of them left Syllmus’ party,
and joined themselves to Nicolaus’, and informed him of
all the wicked things that had been done ; and showed
him evident proofs of the slaughter of a great number of
Obodas’ friends by Syllaeus, for when they left Syllaeus’
party, they had carried off with them letters whereby they
could convict him. When Nicolaus saw such an oppor¬
tunity offered him, he made use of it in order to gain his
own ends afterwards, being anxious to reconcile Augustus
and Herod. For he knew very well that if he should
desire to make a defence for Herod’s acts, he would
not be allowed that liberty; but that, if he desired to
accuse Syllaeus, an opportunity would present itself of
speaking on Herod’s behalf. So when the case was
ready for hearing, and the day appointed, Nicolaus, in
the presence of Aretas’ ambassadors, accused Syllaeus of
various other things, and imputed to him the destruction
of his king and of many others of the Arabians, and
said he had borrowed money for no good purpose, and
proved that he had been guilty of adultery, not only with
women in Arabia but in Rome also. And he added, as
the heaviest charge, that he had estranged Augustus from
Herod, having said nothing true about the actions of Herod.
When Nicolaus was come to this point, Augustus stopped
him from going on, and desired him only to say as to Herod
that he had not led an army into Arabia, nor slain two
thousand five hundred men there, nor taken prisoners, nor
pillaged the country. To this Nicolaus answered that he
could prove conclusively that either none at all or hut
very few of those imputations of which he had been in¬
formed were true, for had they been true, he might justly
have been angry at Herod. At this unexpected assertion
Augustus was very attentive, and Nicolaus said, that there

CHAP. X.]

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

197

was a debt due to Herod of five hundred talents, and a
bond, wherein it was written, that if the time appointed for
payment had elapsed, it should be lawful to make reprisals
in any part of the country. As for the expedition into
Arabia, he said it was no hostile expedition, but a just de¬
manding back of his own money, and that not immediately,
nor so soon as the bond allowed, but that Herod had fre¬
quently gone to Saturninus and Yolumnius, the governors
of Syria ; and that at last Syllseus had sworn at Berytus, 1
by the Emperor’s fortune, that he would certainly pay the
money within thirty days, and deliver up those that had
fled from Herod’s dominions. “ And when Syllseus per¬
formed nothing of this, Herod went again before those
governors, and upon their permission to make reprisals
for the money, he went reluctantly out of his own
dominions with a party of soldiers for that purpose. And
this is all the war which these men so tragically describe ;
this was the expedition into Arabia. And how can this
be called a war, when thy governors permitted it, and
the bond allowed it, and it was not executed till thy
name, 0 Caesar Augustus, with that of the other gods, had
been profaned ? And now I must speak in order about the
captives. There were robbers that dwelt in Trachonitis; 2 at
first their number was no more than forty, but they became
more numerous afterwards, and they escaped the punish¬
ment Herod would have inflicted on them, by making
Arabia their head-quarters. Syllseus received them, and
supported them with food to the detriment of all men, and
gave them a country to inhabit, and received himself the
gains they made by robbery. But he promised on oath that
he would deliver up these men on the day that he fixed for
payment of his debt; nor can he show that any other
persons besides these were at this time taken out of Arabia,
and indeed not all these either, but only so many as could
not conceal themselves. And thus does the odious calumny
of the captives appear to be no better than a fiction and
lie, made on purpose to provoke thy indignation. For I
say, that when the forces of the Arabians came upon us,
and one or two of Herod’s party fell, Herod only defended

Beirut in Syria.

The district el-Lejah.

198 THE WORKS OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XVI.

himself, and Nacebus the Arabian general fell, and about
twenty-five others in all, and no more ; whereas Syllaeus,
by multiplying every single soldier by a hundred, reckons
the slain to have been two thousand five hundred.”

§ 9. This speech greatly moved Augustus, and he turned to
Syllaeus full of rage, and asked him how many Arabians
had been slain ? And as he hesitated, and said he had been
imposed upon, the conditions about the borrowed money
were read, and the letters of the governors of Syria, and
the complaints of all the cities that had been injured by
the robbers. The conclusion of the matter was this, that
Syllaeus was condemned to die, and that Augustus was re¬
conciled to Herod, and owned his repentance for the severe
things he had written to him occasioned by calumny, and
told Syllaeus that he had induced him by his lying account
to be guilty of ingratitude to a man that was his friend.
In fine Syllaeus was sent away to answer Herod’s suit, and
to repay the debt that he owed, and after that to be
executed. But Augustus was still offended with Aretas, that
he had taken upon himself the kingdom, without his con¬
sent being first obtained, for he had determined to bestow
Arabia upon Herod ; but the letters Herod had sent hin¬
dered him from doing so now. For Olympus and Volumnius,
on finding that Augustus was now become favourable to
Herod, thought fit immediately to deliver him the letters
they were commanded by Herod to give him concerning
his sons and the proofs of their crimes. When Augustus
had read them, he thought it would not be proper to add
another kingdom to him, now he was old, and on bad
terms with his sons, so he admitted Aretas’ ambassadors;
and after he had just reproved his rashness, in not wait¬
ing till he received the kingdom from him, he accepted his
presents, and confirmed him in his kingdom.

CHAP. XI.]

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

199

CHAP. XI.

How Herod, by Permission of Augustus, accused his sons
before a Council of Judges at Berytus; and what Tero
suffered for using too much Liberty of Speech. Concerning
also the Execution of the young Men, and their Burial at
Alexandrium.

§ 1 -

ND Augustus being now reconciled to Herod wrote to

JA him that he was grieved for him on account of his
sons, and said if they had been guilty of any grave crimes
against him, it would behove him to punish them as parri¬
cides (and he gave him authority to do so), but if they had
only designed to flee away, he would have him give them
an admonition, and not proceed to extremities with them.
He also advised him to appoint and convene a council at
Berytus, where the Romans had a colony, and to include the
governors of Syria and Archelaus the king of Cappadocia,
and as many more as he thought remarkable for their
merit and friendship to him, and determine what should
be done by their advice. These were the directions that
Augustus gave. And Herod, when the letter was brought
to him, was very glad of Augustus’ reconciliation to him,
and very glad also that he had complete authority given him
over his sons. And somehow it happened that whereas be¬
fore, in his adversity, though he had indeed shown himself
severe, he had not been very rash or precipitate in procuring
the destruction of his sons, he now, in his prosperity, took
advantage of this change for the better, and the freedom he
now had, to glut his hatred against them. He therefore sent
round and invited whom he thought fit to this council, ex¬
cept Archelaus, for he would not invite him, either out of
hatred to him, or because he thought he would be an
obstacle to his designs.

§ 2. When the governors of Syria and the others whom
he invited from the various cities were come to Berytus, he
kept his sons in a certain village belonging to Sidon, called

200 THE WORKS OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XVI.

Platana, 1 hut near Berytus, that if they were called he
might produce them, for he did not think fit to bring them
before the council. And when there were one hundred and
fifty persons present, Herod came in by himself alone, and
accused his sons, and that in such a way as if it were
not a melancholy accusation, and painful necessity in
consequence of misfortune, but in such a way as was very
indecent for a father to accuse his sons in. For he was
very vehement and impassioned when he came to the de¬
monstration of the crime they were accused of, and gave
the greatest signs of fury and barbarity: nor would he
suffer the council to judge of the weight of the evidence,
but played the part of advocate himself in a manner most
indecent in a father against his sons, and read what they
had written, wherein there was no mention of any plot or
contrivance against him, but only a confession that they
had meant to flee away, containing also certain reproaches
against him because of the ill-will he bore them. And when
he came to those reproaches, he bellowed out most of all,
and exaggerated what was said, as if they had confessed
plotting against him, and swore that he would rather lose
liis life than hear such words. Lastly he said that he had
sufficient authority both by nature and by Augustus’ per¬
mission [to do what he thought fit.] He also mentioned
a law of their country which enjoined that, if parents laid
their hands on the head of him that was accused, the by¬
standers were obliged to cast stones at him, and so to
kill him. But though he was ready to do this in his own
country and kingdom, yet he said he waited for their deter¬
mination ; though they came not thither so much as judges,
to condemn his sons for such manifest designs against him,
whereby he had almost perished, but as persons who had an
opportunity of joining him in his anger, for it was un¬
worthy in any, even the most remote, to pass over such
conspiracy [without punishment.]

§ 3. When the king had said this, and the young men
had not been produced to make any defence for them¬
selves, the members of the council perceived there was no

1 See Jewish War, i. 27, § 2. Apparently a castle guarding a narrow
pass between the sea and Lebanon, near the river Damuras, Nahr
Damiir.

CHAP. XI.]

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

201

chance of mildness and reconciliation, so they confirmed his
authority. And Saturninus, a person who had heen consul,
and one of great influence, first pronounced his sentence,
but with great moderation and considering the circum¬
stances. He said, “ That he condemned Herod’s sons, but
did not think they should be put to death. He had sons
of his own, and to put one's son to death was a greater
misfortune than any that could befall one by them.”
After him Saturninus’ sons (for he had three sons that
accompanied him, and were his lieutenants) pronounced
the same sentence as their father. Volumnius’ sentence,
on the contrary, was to inflict death on such as had been
so impiously undutiful to their father; and most of the
rest said the same, insomuch that the conclusion was
that the young men were condemned to die. Imme¬
diately afterwards Herod went away from thence, and took
his sons to Tyre, where Nicolaus met him, having sailed
back from Rome ; of whom Herod inquired, after he had
related to him what had passed at Berytus, what his
friends at Rome thought about his sons. He answered,
“ What they had resolved to do to thee is impious, and
thou oughtest to keep them in prison : and if thou thinkest
anything further necessary, thou mayest indeed so punish
them, that thou appear not to indulge thy anger more
than to govern thyself by judgment; but if thou inclinest
to the milder side, thou mayest absolve them, lest perhaps
thy misfortunes be rendered incurable; and this is the
opinion of most of thy friends at Rome.” On this Herod
was silent and very thoughtful, and bade Nicolaus sail
along with him.

§ 4. On Herod’s reaching Csesarea, 1 everybody there was
talking of his sons, and the kingdom was in suspense, and
the people in great expectation as to what would become of
them. For a terrible fear seized upon all men, lest the old
dissensions of the family should come to a sad conclusion,
and they were in great anxiety about their sufferings; nor
was it without danger to say any hasty thing about the
matter, or even to hear another saying it; but men’s pity
was forced to be shut up in themselves, which made their

1 Kaisariyeh.

202

THE WORKS OP FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XVL

sorrow silent. But there was an old soldier of Herod’s,
whose name was Tero (who had a son of the same age as
Alexander, and his friend), who was so hold as openly to
speak out what others silently thought about the matter,
and felt forced to cry out often among the multitude, say¬
ing in the most unguarded manner that truth had perished,
and that justice was taken away from men, and that lies
and malice prevailed, and brought such a mist upon public
affairs, that offenders were not able to see the greatest ills
that could befall men. And as he was so bold, he seemed
to bring himself into danger by speaking so freely; but
the reasonableness of what he said moved men to regard
him as having behaved with great courage and seasonably.
So everyone heard what he said with pleasure; and although
they provided for their own safety by keeping silent them¬
selves, yet did they approve of the great freedom he took;
for the expected tragedy constrained them to speak in
behalf of Tero whatever they pleased.

§ 5. This man thrust himself into the king’s presence
with the greatest freedom, and desired to speak with
him by himself alone, which the king permitted him to
do, when he spoke as follows. “ Since I am not able,
O king, to bear the great concern I am in, I have pre¬
ferred the use of this bold liberty that I now take (which
is necessary and advantageous to you) to my own safety.
Where is your understanding gone, and left your soul
empty ? Where is that extraordinary sagacity of yours
gone, whereby you performed so many and such glorious
actions ? Whence comes this absence of friends and rela¬
tions, though I judge those neither friends nor relations
who overlook such horrid wickedness in your once happy
kingdom. Ho you not perceive what is doing ? Will you
slay these two young men, your sons by your queen, who
are proficients in every virtue, and leave yourself destitute
in your old age, and in the power of one son, who has
very ill sustained the confidence placed in him, and to re¬
lations whose death you have so often resolved on your¬
self? Will you not take notice that the silence of the
multitude at once sees the crime and abhors the case, and
that the whole army and its officers have commiseration
on the poor unhappy youths, and hatred to those that are

CHAP. SI.]

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

203

the authors of this ? ” The king heard these words, and
for some time with good temper. But what can one say ?
When Tero plainly touched upon the tragedy and the
perfidiousness of Herod’s domestics, he was moved at it:
but when Tero went on further, and by degrees used an
unbounded military freedom of speech, (for he was too
boorish to accommodate himself to the occasion,) Herod
was greatly vexed, and seeming to be rather reproached
by his speech, than to be hearing what was for his advan¬
tage, as he learned thereby that the soldiers abhorred
what he was about, and the officers were indignant at it,
he gave orders that all whom Tero had named, and Tero
himself, should be bound and kept in prison.

§ 6. When this was done, one Trypho, who was the
king’s barber, took the opportunity, and came and told the
king, that Tero often urged him, when he shaved the
king, to cut his throat with the razor, for so he should be
among the chief of Alexander’s friends, and receive great
rewards from him. When he had said this, the king gave
orders that Tero and his son and the barber should be
tortured, which was done accordingly. And though Tero
bore up himself, his son seeing his father already in a sad
case, and without hope of deliverance, and perceiving what
would be the consequence of his terrible sufferings, said
that if the king would free him and his father from those
torments for what he should say, he would tell the truth.
And when the king had given his word to do so, he said
that there was an agreement made, that Tero should lay
violent hands on the king, because it was easy for him to
approach him when he was alone; and if, when he had
done so, he should suffer death for it, as was not unlikely,
it would be an act of generosity done on behalf of Alex¬
ander. This was what Tero’s son said, and thereby freed
his father from the torture, but it is uncertain whether he
had been thus forced by the torture to speak what was
true, or whether it was a contrivance of his own to procure
his own and his father’s deliverance from their pain.

§ 7. As for Herod, if he had before any doubt about
putting his sons to death, there was now no longer any
room left in his soul for it; but as he had rejected what¬
ever might afford him the least suggestion of reasoning

204

THE WORKS OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XVI.

better about the matter, so he made haste at once to bring
his purpose to a conclusion. He therefore brought three
hundred of the officers that were accused, as also Tero and
his son, and the barber that accused them, before an
assembly, and brought charges against them all; and the
multitude stoned them with whatever came to hand, and
so killed them. Alexander also and Aristobulus were
brought to Sebaste 1 by their father’s command, and there
strangled; and their dead bodies were carried by night
to Alexandrium, where their uncle on the mother’s side,
and most of their ancestors, had been buried.

§ 8. And now perhaps it may not seem strange to some
that such a long-standing hatred should so grow, and
proceed so far as to overcome nature: but it may justly
deserve consideration, whether it is to be laid to the
charge of the young men, that they gave such a handle
to their father’s anger, and led him to do what he did, and
by going on long in the same way made things past remedy,
and caused him to use them so unmercifully; or whether
it is to be laid to the father’s charge, that he was so hard¬
hearted, and so very greedy in the desire of power and of
other kinds of glory, that he would take no one into part¬
nership with him, that so whatever he wished might be
law; or indeed, whether Fortune has not greater power
than all prudent forecasting, whence we are persuaded
that human actions are determined beforehand by her by
an inevitable necessity, and we call her Fate, because
there is nothing which is not done by her. However, I
suppose it will be sufficient to compare this notion with
that other, which attributes somewhat to ourselves, and
renders men not unaccountable for the perversity of their
lives, which notion is no other than the philosophical
view of our ancient law. As to the other two causes
of this sad event, anybody may partly lay the blame
on the young men, who under the influence of youthful
vanity, and pride at their royal birth, listened to the
calumnies that were raised against their father, while cer¬
tainly they were not kindly judges of the actions of his
life, but ill-natured in suspecting, and intemperate in

1 Sebuatieh.

CHAP. XI.]

ANTIQUITIES OP THE JEWS.

205

speaking of them, and so on both accounts easily led away
by those who observed them, and informed of them to
gain favour. However, their father cannot be thought
worthy of excuse as to his impiety to them, seeing that,
without any certain evidence of their treacherous designs
against him, and without any proofs that they had made
preparation for such an attempt, he had the heart to kill
his own sons, who were of very comely bodies and the
great darlings of all other men, and no way deficient in
their pursuits, whether hunting, or warlike exercises, or
speaking upon occasional topics. For in all these things
they were skilful, and especially Alexander, who was the
eldest. And certainly it would have been sufficient, even
though Herod had condemned them, to have kept them
alive in bonds, or to have let them live at a distance from
his dominions in banishment, as he was surrounded by the
Roman forces, which were a strong security to him, and
would prevent his suffering anything from either a sudden
attack or from open force. But for him to kill them so
quickly, in order to gratify a passion that mastered him,
was a proof of excessive impiety; especially as he was
guilty of so great a crime in his old age. Nor will the
delay that he made, and the late time in which the crime
was done, plead at all for his excuse. For when a man is
taken by surprise and moved to commit a wicked action,
although it be a grave crime, yet it is a thing that is
always happening ; but to do it deliberately, and after
frequent attempts, and as frequent delays, to under¬
take and accomplish it at last, was the action of a
murderous mind, and one not easily moved from what is
evil. Moreover Herod showed this temper in what he did
afterwards, when he did not spare those that seemed to he
the best beloved of his friends that were left, in regard to
whom, though the justice of their punishment caused those
that perished to be the less pitied, yet was the barbarity of
the man as great, in that he did not abstain from their
slaughter either. But of these persons I shall have occasion
to speak more hereafter.

206

THE WORKS OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XVII.

BOOK XVII.

CONTAINING THE INTERVAL OF FOURTEEN TEARS.-FROM

THE DEATH OF ALEXANDER AND ARISTOBULUS TO THE
BANISHMENT OF ARCHELAUS.

CHAP. I.

How Antipater was hated hy all the Nation for the Death
of his Brothers ; and how, for that Reason, he courted his
Friends at Rome, by giving them many Presents; as he
did also to Saturninus, the Governor of Syria, and to
others. Also concerning Herod’s Wives and Children.

§ I-

W HEN Antipater had thus got rid of his brothers, and
brought his father into the highest degree of im¬
piety, till he was haunted by the Furies for what he had
done, his hopes did not succeed to his mind as to his
future. For although he was delivered from the fear of
his brothers being his rivals as to the government, yet did
he find it a very hard thing, and almost impracticable, to
come at the kingdom, because the hatred of the nation was
become very great against him. And besides this very
disagreeable circumstance, the alienation of the soldiers
from him grieved him still more, for these kings derived
from them all the safety which they had, whenever they
found the nation desirous of innovation; and he had drawn
all this danger upon himself by his destruction of his
brothers. However, he governed the nation jointly with
his father, being indeed no other than a king already;
and he was the more trusted by Herod and got his greater
good-will for what it would have been well for him to have
been put to death, as he seemed to have informed against
his brothers from his concern for the preservation of
Herod, and not rather out of his ill-will to them, and
still more to his father himself. Such was the accursed
state he was in. Now, all Antipater’s contrivances tended

CHAP. I.]

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

207

to pave the way to take off Herod, that he might have
nobody to accuse him in the vile practices he was devising,
and that Herod might have no refuge, nor any to afford
him assistance, if Antipater became his open enemy; inso¬
much that the very plots he had laid against his brothers
were occasioned by the hatred he bore his father. And at
this time he was more than ever set upon the carrying out
of his attempts against Herod, because, if he were once
dead, the kingdom would now be firmly secured to him;
but, if Herod were to live any longer, he would himself be
in danger upon discovery of the wickedness of which he
had been the contriver, and his father would of necessity
then become his enemy. And so he became very bountiful
to his father’s friends, and bestowed great sums on several
of them, in order so to take off men’s hatred against him.
He also sent great presents to his friends especially at
Eome, to gain their good-will, and above all to Saturninus,
the governor of Syria. He also hoped to gain the favour
of Saturninus’ brother by the large presents he bestowed
on him; and also used the same treatment to [Salome]
the king’s sister, who had married one of Herod’s chief
friends. And as he counterfeited friendship to those with
whom he conversed, he was very clever in gaining their
belief, and very cunning in hiding his hatred against any
that he really did hate. But he could not impose upon
his aunt, who had understood him a long time, and was a
woman not easily to be deluded, as she had already used
every possible caution to prevent his malicious designs.
And" although Antipater’s maternal uncle had married her
daughter, and that by Antipater’s contrivance and manage¬
ment, as she had before been married to Aristobulus,
while Salome’s other daughter was married to Callias the
son of her husband, yet that marriage was no obstacle to
her discovering his wicked designs, any more than her
former relationship to him could prevent her hatred of
him. Now Herod had compelled Salome, when she was in
love with Syllaeus the Arabian, and had a great fondness
for him, to marry Alexas, which match was arranged by
Julia, who persuaded Salome not to refuse it, lest there
should be open enmity between the brother and sister, as
Herod had sworn that he would never be friends with

208 THE WORKS OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XVII.

Salome, if she would not accept Alexas for her husband.
And she listened to Julia as being the Emperor’s wife, and
also because she advised her to nothing but what was very-
much for her advantage. At this time, also, Herod sent
back king Archelaus’ daughter, who had been Alexander’s
wife, to her father, returning the portion he had with her
out of his own estate, that there might be no dispute
between them about it.

§ 2. Now Herod himself brought up his sons’ children
with very great care; for Alexander had two sons by
Glaphyra; and Aristobulus had three sons and two
daughters by Berenice, Salome’s daughter; and once when
his friends were with him, he produced the children
before them, and deploring the fortune of his own
sons, prayed that no such ill fortune might befall their
children, but that they might improve in virtue, and
obtain what they justly deserved, and so might make him
return for his care of their education. He also promised
them in marriage when they should come to the proper
age, the elder of Alexander’s sons to Pheroras’ daughter,
and Antipater’s daughter to Aristobulus’ son. He also
allotted one of Aristobulus’ daughters to Antipater’s son,
and Aristobulus’ other daughter to Herod, a son of his
own by the high priest’s daughter; for it is the an¬
cient practice among us to have several wives at the
same time. Now, the king made these betrothals for
the children out of commiseration of them now they
were fatherless, endeavouring to render Antipater kind
to them by these intermarriages. But Antipater did
not fail to continue in the same temper of mind to his
brothers’ children as he had been in to his brothers them¬
selves ; and his father’s affection for them irritated him,
as he thought that they would become greater than ever
his brothers had been, especially when they came to men’s
estate, as Archelaus, a king, would support his daughter’s
sons, and Pheroras, a tetrarch, would have one of the
daughters as wife for his son. What provoked him further
was that all the multitude commiserated these fatherless
children, and so hated him, and he feared that all would
come out, since they were no strangers to his malignity
to his brothers. He manoeuvred, therefore, to upset his

CHAP. II.] ANTIQUITIES OP THE JEWS.

209

father’s arrangements, thinking it a terrible thing that
they should be so related to him, and be powerful. And
Herod yielded to him, and changed his resolution at his
entreaty: and the arrangement now was, that Antipater
himself should marry Aristobulus’ daughter, and Anti¬
pater’s son Pheroras’ daughter. And the betrothals were
changed in this manner against the king’s real wishes.

§ 3. Now Herod the king had at this time nine wives,
one of them Antipater’s mother, and another the high
priest’s daughter, by whom he had a son of his own name.
He had also one who was his brother’s daughter, and an¬
other his sister’s daughter, but these two had no children.
One of his wives also was of the Samaritan nation, and her
sons were Antipas and Archelaus, and her daughter Olym¬
pias, who afterwards married Joseph, the king’s brother’s
son; but Archelaus and Antipas were brought up at the
house of a certain private man at Rome. Herod also had as
wife Cleopatra of Jerusalem, and by her he had Herod and
Philip, which last was also brought up at Rome. Pallas
also was another of his wives, who bore him a son Pha-
saelus. And besides these, he had for wives Phaedra and
Elpis, by whom he had two daughters, Roxane and Salome.
As for his elder daughters by the same mother as Alexander
and Aristobolus, and whom Pheroras had refused to marry,
he gave the one in marriage to Antipater, the king’s sister’s
son, and the other to Phasaelus, his brother’s son. And
this was the posterity of Herod.

CHAP. II.

Concerning the Babylonian Jew Zamaris. Also concerning
the Plots laid by Antipater against his Father. Also about
the Pharisees.

§ 1 -

A ND now Herod, being desirous of securing himself
against the Trachonites, resolved to build a village as
large as a city for the Jews between him and them, which
might make his own country difficult of access, and which
he might make a point d’appui to make sudden sallies
in. p

210 THE WORKS OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XVII.

upon the enemy from a short distance, and so do them a
mischief. So when he heard that there was a man that
was a Jew come out of Babylonia with five hundred horse¬
men (all of whom could shoot their arrows as they rode on
horseback) who with a hundred of his relations had crossed
over the Euphrates, and now dwelt at Antioch near Daphne
in Syria, where Saturninus, who was then governor of
Syria, had given them a place to dwell in called Valatha,
he sent for this man and his companions, and promised to
give him land in the toparchy called Batanaea, which is
bounded by Trachonitis, wishing to make his settlement a
point d’appui against the enemy. He also promised to let
him hold the country free from tribute, and that they
should dwell there without paying any such customs as
used to be paid, and gave it them tax free.

§ 2. This Babylonian was induced by these offers to settle
there, and took possession of the land, and built fortresses
in it and a village, which he called Bathyra. 1 And he became
a protection to the inhabitants against the Trachonites, and
also kept those Jews who came out of Babylon to offer
their sacrifices at Jerusalem from being hurt by the Tra-
ehonite robbers ; so that many came to him from all those
parts where the ancient Jewish laws were observed, and the
country became full of people because of the universal
freedom from taxes. This continued during the life of
Herod; but when Philip, who was [tetrarch] after him, took
over the government, he made them pay a few taxes, but
for a little while only; and although Agrippa the Great,
and his son of the same name, harassed them greatly, yet
they would not take their liberty away. And though the
Homans have now taken the government into their own
hands from them, they still give them the privilege of
their freedom, and oppress them merely with the imposi¬
tion of taxes. But I shall treat these matters more fully
in the progress of this history.

§ 3. At length Zamaris, the Babylonian, to whom Herod
had given that country for a possession, died, having lived
virtuously, and left good children behind him, one of
whom was Jacimus, who was famous for his valour, and

1 el-Bethirra ; probably the same place as Batthora, one of the Roman
military stations east of Jordan.

CHAP. II.]

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

211

taught the Babylonians under him how to ride their horses,
and a troop of them were body-guards to the forementioned
kings. And when Jacimus died in old age, he left a son
whose name was Philip, one of great strength in his hands,
and in other respects also more eminent for his valour
than any one; so that there was a firm friendship and
lasting good-will between him and king Agrippa; and
whatever army the king kept he constantly trained and
led wherever they had occasion to march.

§ 4. The affairs of Herod being in the condition I have
described, everything depended upon Antipater; and his
power was such, that he could do what he pleased, by his
father’s concession, who believed in his good-will and
fidelity to himself, and he ventured to use his powers still
further, because his wicked designs were concealed from
his father, and he made him believe everything he said.
He was also formidable to all, not so much because of the
power and authority he had as for his cunning malice ; and
Pheroras especially paid court to him, and received the
like friendship in return. And Antipater had cunningly
surrounded him by a company of women, whom he placed
about him; for Pheroras was completely under the in¬
fluence of his wife, and her mother, and her sister; and
that notwithstanding the hatred he bore them for the
indignities they had offered to his virgin daughters. Tet
did he put up with them, and nothing was to be done
without the women, who had got round this man, and
continued still to assist each other in all things, so that
Antipater was entirely under their influence, owing both
to himself and his mother, for these four women 1 all
said the same thing; and the opinions of Pheroras and
Antipater only differed in a few points of no consequence.
But the king’s sister [Salome] was their antagonist, who
for a good while had pried into all their affairs, and
knew that this friendship of theirs was made in order
to do Herod some harm, and was disposed to inform the
king of it. And as they knew that their friendship did not
please Herod, they contrived that their meetings should
not be discovered, and pretended to hate one another, and

1 Pheroras’ wife, and her mother and sister, and Doris, Antipater’s
mother.—W.

212 THE WORKS OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XVII.

abused one another as time and opportunity allowed, and
especially when Herod was present, or when any one was
there that would tell him ; but their intimacy was greater
than ever in secret. This was the course they took; but they
could not conceal from Salome either their contrivance
when first they set about this plan, or when they had made
some progress in it, but she searched out everything; and,
exaggerating the matter to her brother, disclosed to him
their secret meetings and eompotations, and counsels taken
in a clandestine manner, which, if they were not in order
to destroy him, might well enough have been open and
public. And though to appearance they were at variance,
and spoke about one another as if they intended one another
a mischief, they agreed well enough together when they
were out of the sight of people; for when they were alone by
themselves, they acted in concert, and professed that they
would never leave off their friendship, but would fight
against those from whom they concealed their designs. And
thus did she search out these things, and get a perfect know¬
ledge of them, and then told her brother of them ; who was
himself aware of a great deal of what she said, but still durst
not act upon it, because of the suspicion he had that much
of his sister’s tales was calumny. Now there was a certain
sect of Jews, who valued themselves highly upon the strict
observance of the law of their fathers, and made men believe
they were highly favoured by God, and had great influence
over women. They were called Pharisees, and ventured
even to oppose kings. They were a cunning set, and
prompt to open fighting and mischief. And when all the
rest of the Jewish people gave assurance by oath of their
good-will to the Emperor and to the king’s government,
these very men would not swear, who were more than six
thousand; and when the king imposed a fine upon them,
Pheroras’ wife paid the fine for them. And they to requite
that kindness of hers (for they were believed to have fore¬
knowledge of things to come by divine inspiration) foretold
that God had decreed that Herod’s sway should cease, and
that his posterity should be deprived of it, and that the
kingdom should come to her and Pheroras and their chil¬
dren. These predictions (for they were not concealed from
Salome) were told the king; as also how they had cor-

CHAP. III.]

antiquities of the jews.

213

rupted some persons about the palace itself: and the king
slew such of the Pharisees as were chiefly accused, and the
eunuch Bagoas, and one Carus the royal catamite, who ex¬
celled all his contemporaries in beauty. He slew also those
of his own household who had consented to what the Phari¬
sees foretold. As for Bagoas, he had been puffed up by
them as though he should be called father and benefactor
of him who was by the prediction to be their king: for this
king would have all things in his power, and would enable
Bagoas to marry and beget children.

CHAP. III.

Of the Enmity between Herod and Pheroras ; how Herod
sent Antipater to Augustus ; and of the Death of Phe¬
roras.

§ 1 -

HEN Herod had punished those Pharisees who had

» » been convicted of these crimes, he gathered together
an assembly of his friends, and accused Pheroras’ wife;
and ascribing the outrages done to the virgins to the auda¬
city of the woman, brought an accusation against her for
the dishonour she had brought upon him. He added that
she had stirred up strife between him and his brother, and
had by her ill temper brought them into a state of war, to
the best of her power, both by her words and actions ; and
that the fines which he had imposed had not been paid, for
the offenders had escaped punishment by her means ; and
that nothing which had of late been done had been done
without her. “ And so Pheroras will do well, if he will, of
his own accord, and at his own initiative, and not at my
entreaty, or as following my opinion, put this his wife away,
as one that will still be the occasion of strife between us.
And now Pheroras, if thou valuest thy relation to me, put
this wife of thine away ; for so thou wilt continue to be a
brother to me, and wilt abide in thy love to me.” Then
said Pheroras, (although moved by the force of Herod’s
words,) that he would neither do so unjust a thing as
renounce his brotherly relation to him, nor leave off his

214 THE WORKS OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XVII.

affection for his wife; that he would rather choose to die
than live and be deprived of a wife that was so dear to
him. Thereupon Herod put off his anger against Pheroras
on these accounts, although he exacted a severe punishment,
for he forbade Antipater and his mother to associate with
Pheroras, and bade them take care to avoid the assemblies of
the women: which they promised to do, but still got to¬
gether when an opportunity presented itself, and both Phe¬
roras and Antipater had their own merry meetings. The
report went also, that Antipater had criminal connection
with Pheroras’ wife, and that they were brought together
by Antipater’s mother.

§ 2. But Antipater was now suspicious of his father, and
afraid that his hatred to him would increase: so he wrote
to his friends at Borne, and bade them signify to Herod,
that he was to send Antipater without delay to Augustus.
And Herod did this, and sent most handsome presents with
Antipater, as also his testament, wherein he appointed Anti¬
pater to be his successor : and if Antipater should die first,
Herod his son by the high priest’s daughter was to succeed.
And Syllseus the Arabian went with Antipater to Rome,
though he had done nothing of all that Augustus had en¬
joined, and Antipater accused him of the same crimes as
he had been formerly accused of by Nicolaus. Syllseus
was also accused by Aretas of having without his consent
slain many of the chief Arabians at Petra, and particularly
Sohemus, a man that deserved to be honoured by all men,
and of having slain Fabatus a slave of Augustus. Syllseus
was also accused on the following account. Corinthus was
one of Herod’s body-guards, and greatly trusted by him.
Syllseus had tempted this man by the offer of a great sum
of money to kill Herod, and he had promised to do so.
When Fabatus learnt of this, for Syllseus himself told him
of it, he informed the king of it; and he had Corinthus
arrested and put to the torture, and so wormed the whole
conspiracy out of him. He also got two other Arabians
arrested, trusting to the information of Corinthus ; the one
the head of a tribe, and the other a friend of Syllseus, who
were both put by the king to the torture, and confessed
that they had come to encourage Corinthus not to fail in
courage, and to assist him with their own hands in the

CHAP. IV.] ANTIQUITIES OP THE JEWS.

215

murder, if need should require their assistance. And
Saturninus, upon Herod’s discovering the whole matter
to him, sent them to Rome.

§ 3. Herod also commanded Pheroras, since he was so
obstinate in his affection for his wife, to retire to his own
tetrarchy; which he did very willingly, and swore many
oaths that he would not come back again, till he heard that
Herod was dead. Indeed, when Herod was ill, and
Pheroras was asked to come to him before he died, that
he might entrust him with some injunctions, he had such a
regard to his oath, that he would not come to him. But
Herod did not imitate Pheroras in his conduct, but changed
his purpose [not to see him,] which he before had, and as
soon as Pheroras began to be ill, went to him without being
sent for. And when he was dead, he took care of his funeral,
and had his body brought to Jerusalem and buried there,
and appointed a solemn mourning for him. Now this
[death of Pheroras] became the beginning of Antipater’s
misfortunes, although he had already sailed for Rome, God
being now about to punish him for the murder of his
brothers. I shall narrate this matter very fully, that it
may be a warning to mankind, that they take care to con¬
duct their whole lives by the rules of virtue.

CHAP. IV.

Pheroras ’ Wife is accused by his Freedmen of poisoning him. ;
and how Herod, upon examining the Matter by Torture,
found the Poison; but also that it had been prepared for
himself by his son Antipater; and how, upon Inquiry by
Torture, he discovered the dangerous Designs of Antipater.

§ 1 -

S soon as Pheroras was dead, and his funeral was over.

two of Pheroras’ freedmen, who were much esteemed
by him, went to Herod, and entreated him not to leave the
murder of his brother unavenged, but to examine into the
cause of his strange and unhappy death. As he was
moved by these words, for they seemed to him to be true,

216 THE WORKS OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XVII.

they said that Pheroras had supped with his wife the day
before he fell ill, and that a certain potion was brought
him in a kind of food he was not used to eat, and that when
he had eaten it he died of it; that this potion was brought
out of Arabia by a woman, nominally as a love potion, (for
it was called a philter,) but in reality to kill Pheroras ; for
the Arabian women were skilful in making such poisons,
and the woman to whom they ascribed this, was con¬
fessedly a most intimate friend of one of Syllseus’ mis¬
tresses, and both the mother and sister of Pheroras’ wife
had been to the places where she lived, and had persuaded
her to sell them this potion, and had returned with it the
day before Pheroras’ last supper. At these words the king
was exasperated, and put the women slaves and also some
free women to the torture, and as the matter was by no
means clear, because none of them would speak out, at last
one of them, after suffering extreme agonies, said no more
but that she prayed that God would send the like agonies
upon Antipater’s mother, who had been the cause of these
miseries to all of them. This prayer induced Herod to in¬
crease the women’s tortures, till thereby all was discovered:
the merry-makings, the secret meetings, and the disclosing
of what he had said to his son alone unto Pheroras’ women. 1
(Now what Herod had charged Antipater to conceal, was
the gift of a hundred talents to him not to have any
dealings with Pheroras.) It also came out what hatred
Antipater bore to his father, and how he complained to his
mother how very long his father lived, and that he was
himself almost an old man, insomuch, that if the kingdom
ever came to him, it would not afford him the same plea¬
sure ; and that there were a great many of his brothers, or
brothers’ children, being reared in hopes of the kingdom, as
well as himself, all which made his own hopes of it uncer¬
tain ; and even now, if he should himself not live, Herod
had ordered that the kingdom should be conferred, not on
his son, but rather on his brother. He had also accused
the king of great barbarity, and of the slaughter of his
sons, and had said that it was the fear he was in, lest he
should do the like to him, that made him contrive his

1 His wife, her mother and sister.—W.

CHAP. IV.j ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 217

journey to Rome, and made Pheroras contrive to go to his
own tetrarchy.

§ 2. All this tallied with what Herod’s sister had told him,
and tended greatly to corroborate her testimony, and to
free her from the suspicion of unfaithfulness to him. And
the king having satisfied himself of the spite which Doris,
Antipater’s mother, as well as Antipater himself, bore to
him, took away from her all her fine ornaments, which
were worth many talents, and then sent her away, and
entered into friendship with Pheroras’ women. But he
who most of all irritated the king against his son was one
Antipater, a Samaritan, the steward of Antipater the king’s
son, who, when he was tortured, said among other things
that Antipater had prepared a deadly potion, and given it
to Pheroras, bidding him give it to his father during his
own absence, and when he was too remote to have the least
suspicion cast upon him as to it: and that Antiphilus, one
of Antipater’s friends, brought the potion out of Egypt,
and that it was sent to Pheroras by Theudion, the brother
of the mother of the king’s son Antipater, and so came to
Pheroras’ wife, her husband having given it her to keep.
And when the king questioned her about it, she confessed,
and as she was running to fetch it, she threw herself
down from the house-top, but did not kill herself, because
she fell upon her feet. And so, when the king comforted
her, and promised her and her domestics pardon, upon con¬
dition of their concealing nothing of the truth from him,
but threatened her with the utmost tortures if she obsti¬
nately determined to conceal anything, she promised and
swore that she would speak out and tell how everything
was done; and said what most took to be entirely true.
“ The potion was brought out of Egypt by Antiphilus, and
his brother, who is a physician, procured it; and when
Theudion brought it us, I kept it upon Pheroras’ commit¬
ting it to me, and it was prepared by Antipater for you.
So when Pheroras was fallen ill, and you came to him and
took care of him, and when he saw the kindness you had
to him, his mind was broken thereby. So he called me
to him, and said to me; ‘ Antipater has deluded me,
wife, in this affair of his father and my brother, by per¬
suading me to have a murderous intention to him, and

218 THE WORKS OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XVII.

procuriug a potion for that purpose. Go therefore and
fetch the potion, (since my brother appears to have still
the same kind disposition to me as he had formerly, and
I do not expect to live long myself), and, that I may
not defile my forefathers by the murder of a brother,
burn it before my face: ’ and I immediately brought
it, and did as my husband bade me, and burnt most of the
potion, but left a little of it, that if the king, after Pheroras’
death, should treat me ill, I might poison myself, and so
get rid of my miseries.” Upon her saying this, she
brought out the potion, and the box it was in, before them
all. And another brother of Antiphilus, and his mother
also, under the agony of pain and torture, confessed the
same things, and recognised the box. The high priest’s
daughter also, who was the king’s wife, was accused of
having been privy to all this, and of having resolved to
conceal it; so Herod divorced her, and blotted her son out
of his testament, wherein he had been mentioned as one to
reign after him; and he took the high priesthood away
from his father-in-law, Simon the son of Boethus, and
appointed Matthias the son of Theophilus, who was born
at Jerusalem, to be high priest in his room.

§ 3. Meantime Bathyllus, Antipater’s freedman, also
came from Rome, and upon being tortured, was found to
have brought another potion, to give to Antipater’s mother
and to Pheroras, that if the former potion did not operate
upon the king, this at least might carry him off. There
came also letters from Herod’s friends at Rome, by the
advice and at the suggestion of Antipater, to accuse
Archelaus and Philip, as if they calumniated their father
on account of the slaughter of Alexander and Aristobulus,
and as if they commiserated their deaths; and as if they
concluded, because they were sent for home (for their
father had already recalled them), that they themselves
were also to be put to death. These letters were concocted
for great rewards by Antipater’s friends. And Antipater
himself also wrote to his father about Archelaus and Philip,
and laid the heaviest things to their charge; yet did he
entirely excuse them of any guilt, for he said they were
but striplings, and so imputed their words to their youth.
He added that he had himself been very busy in the affair

CHAP. V.]

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

219

relating to Syllseus, and in paying court to great men, and
on that account had bought splendid ornaments to present
them with, which had cost him two hundred talents. Now,
one may wonder how it came about, while so many accusa¬
tions were laid against Antipater in Judaea for seven
months before this, that he was not made acquainted with
any of them. The explanation of this is that the roads
were carefully guarded, and that men hated Antipater : for
there was nobody who would run any hazard himself to
procure Antipater’e safety.

CHAP. V.

Antipater sails Home from Borne to his Father; and how he
was accused by Nicolaus of Damascus, and condemned to
die by his Father, and by Quintilius Varus, who ivas then
Governor of Syria; and how he was imprisoned till
the Emperor should decide on the Case.

.§ L

N OW Herod, upon Antipater’s writing to him, that
having done all that he was to do, and as he was
to do it, he would soon return, concealed his anger
against him, and wrote back to bim, and bade him not de¬
lay his journey, lest any harm should befall himself in his
absence. At the same time also he made some little com¬
plaints about Antipater’s mother, but promised that he
would drop those complaints on Antipater’s return. He
also expressed his entire affection for him, fearing lest he
should have some suspicion of him, and defer his journey
home, and lest, while he lived at Rome, he should plot for
the kingdom, and do him some harm. Antipater got this
letter in Cilicia, but had received an account of Pheroras’
death before at Tarentum, 1 which news affected him deeply,
not out of any affection for Pheroras, but because he had
died without having murdered Herod, as he had promised
to do. And when he was at Celenderis 2 in Cilicia, he began

1 Taranto in Italy.

2 Kilindria, on the south coast of Asia Minor, opposite Cyprus.

220 THE WOBKS OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XVII.

to deliberate whether he should sail home, as he was much
put out at the banishment of his mother. Now, some of
his friends advised him to tarry a while and wait for
further information. But others advised him to sail home
without delay, for if he were once arrived there, he would
soon put an end to all accusations, and nothing now
afforded any weight to his accusers but his absence. He
was persuaded by these last and set sail, and landed at the
haven called Sebastus, 1 which Herod had built at vast ex¬
pense, and called Sebastus in honour of Caesar Augustus.*
And now Antipater was evidentlyin a sorry plight, as nohody
came to him or saluted him, as they did at his going away,
with good wishes or joyful acclamations ; nor was there now
anything to hinder the people from receiving him, on the
contrary, with bitter curses, as they supposed he was come
to receive punishment for the murder of his brothers.

§ 2. Now, Quintilius Yarns was at this time at Jerusalem,
beiug sent to succeed Saturninus as governor of Syria, and
was come as an adviser to Herod, who had asked his ad¬
vice in the present state of affairs ; and as they were sitting
together, Antipater came in, without knowing anything of
the matter; so he entered the palace clothed in purple.
The porters received him indeed in, but excluded his friends.
And now he was in great alarm, and clearly perceived the
position he was in, for upon going to salute his father he
was repulsed by him, and Herod called him a murderer of
his brothers, and a plotter of destruction against himself,
and told him that Yarns should hear everything and be his
judge the very next day. So he found that the misfor¬
tune he now first heard of was already upon him, the
greatness of which dismayed him, and his mother and
wife soon had an interview with him (his wife was the
daughter of Antigonus, who was king of the Jews before
Herod), from whom he learned everything, and prepared
for his defence.

§ 3. The following day Varus and the king sat together
in judgment, and both their friends were also called in, as
also the king’s relations, and his sister Salome, and as
many as could discover anything, and all those who had

1 The harbour of Ciesarea Palsestina, Kaisariyeh,

2 Sebastus would be Greek for Augustus.

CHAP. V.]

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

221

been tortured; and besides these, some slaves of Anti¬
pater’s mother, who had been arrested a little before Anti¬
pater’s coming, having on them a letter, the sum of which
was that Antipater was not to return home, as all was come
to his father’s knowledge, and that Augustus was the only
refuge he had left to prevent both him and her falling into
Herod’s hands. Then did Antipater fall down at his
father’s feet, and besought him not to prejudge his case,
but that his father would first hear him, and not decide
against him except upon evidence. Then Herod ordered
him to be brought into the midst, and then lamented
that he had had children, from whom he had suffered
such great misfortunes before, and now Antipater plotted
against him in his old age. He also touched on the main¬
tenance and education he had given his sons, and what,
seasonable supplies of wealth he had afforded them as they
desired, though none of those favours had hindered them
from plotting against him, and from bringing his very life-
into danger, in order to gain his kingdom in an impious
manner, by taking away his life before either the course of
nature, or their father’s wishes, or justice, required that the
kingdom should come to them. As to Antipater, he won¬
dered what hopes could bring him to such a pass as to be
bold enough to attempt such things; for he had by his
testament declared him in writing his successor in the king¬
dom, and while he was alive he was in no respect inferior
to him either in his splendid dignity or in power and autho¬
rity, as he had no less than fifty talents for his yearly
income, and had received for his journey to Rome no less
than thirty talents. He also accused him as to his bro¬
thers, saying if they were guilty he had imitated their
example, and if they were innocent, he had brought him
groundless accusations against his near relations; for he
had been informed of all those things by him, and by
nobody else, and had done what he had done by his advice*
and he now absolved them from all that was criminal, as
he had become the inheritor of the guilt of their parricide.

§ 4. When Herod had thus spoken, he fell a-weeping,,
and was not able to say any more; but at his desire-
Nicolaus of Damascus, who was the king’s friend, and very
intimate with him, and well acquainted with all his affairs*

222 THE WORKS OF FLAVITJS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XVII.

proceeded to what remained, and stated all that concerned
the proofs and evidences of the facts. Upon which Anti¬
pater, in his defence, turned to his father, and enlarged
upon the many indications he had given of his good-will
to him ; and enumerated the honours that had been done
himself, which would not have been done, had he not
deserved them by his regard to his father; for he had
made provision for everything that could be foreseen, as
to giving his father the wisest advice ; and whenever there
was occasion for the labour of his hands, he had not
grudged any such pains for him. He added that it was
unlikely that he who had delivered his father from so many
treacherous contrivances of others against him, should
himself plot against him, and so lose all the reputation he
had gained for his virtue then by the wickedness which'
succeeded it, and that though he was already appointed
his successor, and had nothing to prevent his enjoying
the royal honour with his father at present; nor was it
likely that a person who had half the royal authority
without any danger, and with a good character, should
hunt after the whole with infamy and danger, and that
when it was doubtful whether he could obtain it or not,
and when he had seen the punishment of his brothers, and
was both the informer and accuser against them when
otherwise their guilt would not have been discovered; nay,
was himself the author of the punishment inflicted upon
them, when it appeared evident that they were guilty of a
wicked attempt against their father ; and even the conten¬
tions there were in the king’s family, were proofs that he
had ever managed affairs in the sincerest affection to his
father. And as to what he had done at Rome Augustus
was a witness, who was no more to be imposed upon than
God himself: of whose opinion his letters sent there were
sufficient evidence, and it was not reasonable to prefer the
calumnies of such as proposed to raise disturbances to
those letters; most of which calumnies had been raised
during his absence, which gave opportunity to his enemies
to forge them, which they would not have been able to do
if he had been at home. Moreover, he descanted on the
weakness of evidence obtained by torture, which was com¬
monly false; because the distress men were in under

CHAP, V.]

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS,

223

such torture naturally obliged them to say many things in
order to please those in power. He also offered himself to
the torture * * *.

§ 5. Hereupon there was a change observed in the
assembly, as they greatly pitied Antipater, who, by weep¬
ing and putting on a countenance suitable to his sad case,
moved even his enemies to compassion ; and it appeared
plainly that Herod himself was affected in his own mind,
although he was not willing it should be taken notice of.
Then did Nicolaus begin to recapitulate what the king had
begun, and that with great bitterness; and summed up all
the evidence which arose from the tortures, or from the
witnesses. He mainly enlarged upon the king’s virtue,
which he had exhibited in the maintenance and education
of his sons, though he had never gained any advantage
thereby, but had still fallen from one misfortune to another.
And although he owned that he was not so much surprised
at the thoughtless behaviour of Herod’s other sons, who
were younger, and were besides corrupted by wicked coun¬
sellors, who had caused them to wipe out of their minds
all the righteous dictates of nature, and that from a
desire of coming to the throne sooner than they ought to
do; yet he could not but justly stand amazed at the horrible
wickedness of Antipater, who, although he had had great
benefits bestowed on him by his father, yet was not more
tamed in mind than the most envenomed serpents, and
even those creatures admitted of some mitigation, and
would not bite their benefactors; and Antipater had also
not let the misfortunes of his brothers be any hindrance to
him, but had gone on to imitate their barbarity none the
less. “Yet wast thou (he continued) O Antipater! the
informer as to the wicked actions they had dared, and the
searcher out of the evidence against them, and the author
of the punishment they underwent upon their detection.
Nor do we say this as accusing thee for being so zealous in
thy anger against them, but we are astounded at thy
endeavours to imitate their wicked behaviour; and we dis¬
cover thereby that thou didst not act thus for the safety
of thy father, but for the destruction of thy brothers, that
by thy expressed hatred of their impiety thou mightest be
believed to be a lover of thy father, and mightest so get

224 THE WORKS OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XVII.

power enough to do mischief with the greater impunity;
which design thy actions indeed demonstrate. It is true
thou tookest thy brothers off, because thou didst convict
them of their wicked designs, but thou didst not yield up
to justice those who were their fellow-conspirators, and so
didst make it evident to all men, that thou madest covenant
with them against thy father, as thou chosest to be the
accuser of thy brothers, wishing to gain for thyself alone
the advantage of laying plots to kill thy father, and so to
enjoy double pleasure, which is truly worthy of the evil
disposition which thou didst openly show against thy bro¬
thers ; on which account thou didst rejoice, as having done
a most famous exploit, nor was that thought unworthy of
thee. But if thy intention was otherwise, then art thou
worse than they; for while thou didst contrive to hide thy
treachery against thy father, thou didst hate them, not as
plotters against thy father, for in that case thou wouldst
not thyself have fallen into the like crime, but as suc¬
cessors to his throne, and more worthy of that succession
than thyself. Thou wouldst kill thy father after thy
brothers, lest thy lies raised against them might be detected;
and lest thou shouldst suffer the punishment thou hadst
deserved, thou hadst a mind to exact that punishment from
thy unhappy father, and didst devise such an uncommon
sort of parricide as the world never yet saw. For thou,
who art his son, didst not only plot against a father, but
against one who loved thee, and had been thy benefactor,
and had made thee in reality his partner in the kingdom,
and had openly declared thee his successor, so that thou
wast not forbidden to taste the sweetness of authority al¬
ready, and hadst sure hope of what was to come by thy
father’s determination and the security of a written testa¬
ment. But certainly thou didst not estimate these things
according to thy father’s virtue, but according to thy own
wicked thoughts, and wert desirous to take away the part of
the kingdom that remained from thy too indulgent father,
and soughtest to destroy with thy deeds him whom thou
in words pretendedst to preserve. Nor wast thou content to
be wicked thyself, but thou also filledst thy mother’s head
with thy devices, and raisedst disturbances among thy
brothers, and hadst the boldness to call thy father a wild

CHAP. V.]

ANTIQUITIES OP THE JEWS.

225

beast; whilst thou hadst thyself a mind more cruel than
any serpent, whence thou sentest out that poison among
thy nearest kindred and greatest benefactors, and invitedst
them to assist thee and guard thee, and didst hedge thy¬
self in on all sides by the artifices of both men and women
against an old man; as though that mind of thine was not
sufficient of itself to support so great a hidden hatred as
thou didst bear to him. And now thou appearest here, after
the tortures of freemen and domestics and men and women
on thy account, and after the informations of thy fellow-
conspirators, as anxious to contradict the truth, and hast
thought on ways not only to take thy father out of the
world, but to set aside that law which is written against
thee, and the virtue of Varus, and the nature of justice.
Nay, so great is that impudence in which thou confidest,
that thou desirest to be put to the torture thyself, though
thou allegest that the tortures of those already examined
thereby have made them tell lies; that those that have saved
thy father from thee may not be thought to have spoken
the truth, but that thy tortures forsooth may be esteemed
the discoverers of truth ! Wilt not thou, O Varus ! deliver
the king from the injuries of his kindred? Wilt not thou
destroy this wicked wild beast, who has pretended kind¬
ness to his father in order to destroy his brothers, while yet
he is himself alone ready to take the kingdom immediately,
and appears to be the most deadly enemy to his father of
them all ? ' For thou art well aware that parricide is an
injury alike to nature and life, and that the intention of
parricide is as great a crime as its perpetration : and he who
does not punish it does an injury to nature itself.”

§ 6. Nicolaus added further what concerned Antipater’s
mother, as whatever she had prattled with womanish gar¬
rulity, and also about the predictions and sacrifices re¬
lating to the king; and whatever Antipater had done
lasciviously in his cups and amours with Pheroras’ women.
He touched also upon the result of the examinations by
torture, and the testimonies of the witnesses, which were
many and of various kinds, some prepared beforehand, and
others sudden answers, which confirmed the foregoing
evidence. For those men who were acquainted with any
of Autipater’s practices, but had concealed them out of
hi. Q

226 THE WORKS OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XVII.

fear, lest if he got off he would avenge himself on them,
when they saw that he was exposed to the accusations of
those who had begun to accuse him, and that fortune,
which had often supported him before, had now evidently
betrayed him into the hands of his enemies, who were
insatiable in their hatred to him, now told all they knew
of him. And his ruin was now hastened, not so much by
the enmity of those who were his accusers, as by the great
audacity of his wicked contrivances, and by his ill-will to
his father and brothers, as he had filled their house with
dissension, and caused them to murder one another; and
was neither fair in his hatred, nor kind in his friendship,
but only so far as was likely to serve his own turn. Now
there were many who had for a long time observed all this,
and especially those who were naturally disposed to judge
of matters by the rules of virtue, because they were used
to decide about facts without passion, but had been re¬
strained from making any open complaints before, who
now, upon the leave given them, produced all that they
knew before the public. There were also various wicked
crimes alleged against him, which could no way be re¬
futed, because the many witnesses did neither speak out
of favour to Herod, nor were they obliged to keep back
what they had to say from suspicion of any danger they
were in, but they spoke what they knew, because they
thought such actions very wicked, and that Antipater
deserved every punishment, not so much indeed for
Herod’s safety, as on account of his own wickedness.
Many things were also said by a great number of persons
who were not called upon to say them, so that Antipater, who
used generally to be very clever in his lies and brazen-faced
impudence, was not able to say one word to the contrary.
When Nicolaus had left off speaking, and had finished pro¬
ducing his evidence, Yarus bade Antipater betake himself
to his defence, if he had prepared any whereby it might
appear that he was not guilty of the crimes he was accused
of; for as he was himself desirous, so did he know that
his father was in like manner desirous also, to find him
entirely innocent. But Antipater fell down on his face, and
appealed to God and to all men to testify to his innocency,
desiring that God would declare, by some evident signs,

CHAP. V.]

ANTIQUITIES OP THE JEWS.

227

that he had not laid any plot against his father. This is
the usual method of all men destitute of virtue; when they
set about any wicked undertakings, they fall to work
according to their own inclinations, as if they believed that
God did not interfere in human affairs; but when once
they are found out, and are in danger of undergoing the
punishment due to their crimes, they endeavour to upset
all the evidence against them by appealing to God; which
was the very thing which Antipater now did. For whereas
he had done everything as if there was no God in the
world, now that he was on all sides hemmed in by justice,
and was destitute of proofs by which he might rebut the
accusations laid against him, he impudently abused the
majesty of God, and ascribed it to his power that he had
been preserved hitherto, and enumerated before them all
the bold acts he had never failed to do for his father’s
safety.

§ 7. But when Varus, upon frequently asking Antipater
what he had to say for himself, found he had nothing to
say besides appealing to God, and saw that there would
be no end of all this, he bade them bring the potion before
the court, that he might see what virtue still remained in
it; and when it was brought, and one that was condemned
to die had drunk it by Varus’ command, he died at
once. Then Varus got up, and left the court, and the
day following went away to Antioch, where his usual resi¬
dence was, because that was the royal city of the Syrians.
And Herod at once put his son in prison. Now what
Varus said to Herod was not known to the generality,
nor his last words before he went away: though it was
generally supposed that whatever Herod did afterwards
to Antipater was done with his approbation. But when
Herod had imprisoned his son, he sent letters to Rome
to Augustus about him, and messengers also to inform
Augustus byword of mouth of Antipater’s crimes. Now, at
this very time there was intercepted a letter of Antiphilus,
written to Antipater from Egypt (where Antiphilus lived),
and, when it was broken open by the king, it was found to
contain what follows. “ 1 have sent thee Acme’s letter,
and hazarded my own life; for thou knowest that I am in
danger from two families, if I am discovered. I wish thee

228 THE WORKS OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XVII.

good success in thy affair.” These were the contents of
this letter; but the king made inquiry about the other
letter also, for it did not appear, and Antiphilus’ slave,
who brought the letter which was read, denied that
he had received any other. But while the king was in
doubt about it, one of Herod’s friends, seeing a seam upon
the inner coat of the slave (for he had two coats on),
guessed that the letter might be hidden within the lining,
which proved to be the case. So they took out the letter,
and its contents were as follows. “ Acme to Antipater.
I have written to thy father such a letter as thou desiredst
me. I have also taken a copy and sent it, as if it came
from Salome to my mistress; and when he reads it, I
know that Herod will punish Salome, as plotting against
him.” Now, this pretended letter of Salome’s to her mis¬
tress was composed by Antipater, in the name of Salome
as to its meaning, but in the words of Acme. The letter
was as follows. “ Acme to king Herod. I have done my
endeavour that nothing that is done against thee should be
concealed from thee. So upon my finding a letter of
Salome written to my mistress against thee, I have written
out a copy, and sent it to thee, with risk to myself, but for
thy advantage. The reason why she wrote it was because
she had a mind to be married to Syllaeus. Do thou there¬
fore tear this letter in pieces, that I may not come into
danger of my life.” Now Acme had written to Antipater
himself, to inform him that, in compliance with his com¬
mand, she had not only herself written to Herod, as if
Salome was intensely eager to plot against him, but had
also sent a copy of a letter, as coming from Salome to her
mistress. This Acme was a Jewess by birth, and a slave to
Julia, the Emperor’s wife ; and she did this out of friend¬
ship to Antipater, having been bought by him with a large
sum of money, to assist in his evil designs against his
father and aunt.

§ 8. Thereupon Herod was so amazed at the prodigious
wickedness of Antipater, that he was eager to have him
slain immediately, as a turbulent person in the most im¬
portant concerns, and as one that had laid a plot not only
against himself, but against his sister also, and even cor¬
rupted the Emperor’s household. Salome also incited him

CHAP. VI.]

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

229

to it, beating her breast, and bidding him kill her, if he
could produce any credible testimony that she had acted in
that manner. Herod also sent for his son, and questioned
him, and bade him contradict it if he could, and not sup¬
press anything he had to say from mistrust. But as he
did not speak one word, he asked him, since he was every
way detected of villany, at least to discover without delay
his associates in his wicked designs. And he laid all upon
Antiphilus, and discovered nobody else. Thereupon Herod
was in such great grief, that he was eager to send his son
to Rome to Augustus, there to give an account of these his
wicked contrivances. But afterwards he feared lest he
might there, by the assistance of his friends, escape the
danger he was in; so he kept him in prison as before, and
sent more ambassadors and letters [to Rome] to accuse his
son, as also an account of the assistance Acme had given
him in his wicked designs, with copies of the letters before
mentioned.

CHAP. VI.

Concerning the Illness that Herod had, and the Rebellion
which the Jews raised in consequence, as also the Punish¬
ment of the Rebellious.

§ I-

OW Herod’s ambassadors made haste to Rome, having

I ’ been instructed beforehand, what answers they were to
make to the questions put to them. They also carried the
letters with them. But Herod now fell ill, and made his will,
and bequeathed his kingdom to [Antipas], his youngest son;
and that out of hatred to Archelaus and Philip owing to the
calumnies of Antipater. He also bequeathed a thousand
talents to the Emperor, and five hundred to Julia, the Em¬
peror’s wife, and to the Emperor’s children, and friends, and
freedmen. He also distributed his money revenues and lands
among his sons and grandsons. He also made Salome his
sister very rich, because she had continued faithful to him
in all his circumstances, and had never ventured to do
him any harm. And as he despaired of recovering, for he

230 THE WORKS OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XVII.

was in the seventieth year of his age, he grew very fierce,
and indulged the bitterest anger upon all occasions; the
reason whereof was that he thought himself despised, and
that the nation was pleased with his misfortunes; besides
which, he resented a rebellion which some of the people
excited against him, the occasion of which was as follows.

§ 2. Judas, the son of Sariphseus, and Matthias, the son
of Margalothus, were two of the most eloquent men among
the Jews, and the most celebrated interpreters of the
Jewish laws, and men well beloved by the people, because
of their education of the youth ; for all those youths that
were studious of virtue frequented their lectures every day.
These men, when they heard that the king’s illness was in¬
curable, incited the young men to pull down all those works
which the king had erected contrary to the law of their
fathers, and so obtain the rewards which the law would
confer on them for such actions of piety, for it was truly
on account of Herod’s rashness in making such things as
the law had forbidden that his other misfortunes, which
were so unusual among mankind, and this illness also, with
which he was now afflicted, had come upon him. For Herod
had caused some things to be made which were contrary
to the law, for which he was accused by Judas and Mat¬
thias. For example the king had erected over the great gate
of the temple a large golden eagle, of great value, as an
offering to the temple. Now, the law forbids those that
propose to live according to it to erect images or representa¬
tions of any living creatures. So these wise men bade [their
scholars] pull down the golden eagle ; saying that, though
they might incur danger, which might bring them to their
deaths, the virtue of the action now proposed to them was
evidently far more advantageous to them than the pleasure
of living, since they would die for the preservation and
maintenance of the law of their fathers, and would also
acquire everlasting fame and commendation, and would be
commended not only by the present generation, but leave
an example of life that would never be forgotten to posterity.
And as death could not be avoided by living to escape
danger, it was well for those who aimed after virtue to ac¬
cept their fate so as to go out of the world with praise and
honour; and it would alleviate death to a great degree,

CHAP. VI.]

ANTIQUITIES OP THE JEWS.

231

thus to come at it by noble actions which danger brought,
and, at the same time, to leave that reputation behind
them to their children, and to all their relations, whether
men or women, which would be of great advantage to them
afterwards.

§ 3. With such words did they incite the young men,
and a report having come to them that the king was dead
co-operated with the wise men’s arguments. So at midday
they went and pulled down the eagle and cut it in pieces
with axes, while a great many people were in the temple.
And now the king’s captain, hearing of the affair, and sup¬
posing it was more serious than it proved to be, went to the
spot with a large force, such as was sufficient to put a stop
to the multitude of those who were trying to pull down
what was dedicated to God : and he attacked them unex¬
pectedly, as they were upon this bold attempt in foolish
presumption rather than cautious prudence (as is usual
with the multitude), and while they were in disorder and
incautious of what was for their advantage ; and he arrested
no fewer than forty of the young men, who had the courage
to wait his attack when the rest ran away, as also the in¬
stigators of this bold attempt, Judas and Matthias, (who
thought it an ignominious thing toretireupon his approach,)
and led them to the king. And when they were come to
the king, and he asked them if they had been so bold as to
pull down what he had dedicated to God, “ Yes, (said
they,) we contrived what was contrived, and we performed
what has been performed, and that with such virtue as be¬
comes men ; for we have given our assistance to those
things which are dedicated to the honour of God, and we
have paid heed to the hearing of the law ; and it ought not
to be wondered at at all, if we esteem those laws which
Moses had suggested and taught to him by God, and which
he wrote and left behind him, more worthy of observation
than thy commands. And we will with pleasure undergo
death, or whatever punishment thou mayst inflict upon us,
since we are conscious to ourselves that we shall not die for
any unrighteous actions, but for our love to religion.”
And thus they all said, and their courage was equal to their
words, as also to the spirit with which they had set about
their bold action. And the king ordered them to be bound,

232 THE WORKS OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XVII,

and sent them to Jericho, and summoned the principal men
of the Jews. And when they were come, he assembled them in
the theatre, and as he could not himself stand, he lay upon
a couch, and enumerated the many labours that he had
long endured on their account, and how he had built the
temple at great expense, though the Asamonseans, during
the hundred and twenty-five years of their rule, had not
been able to perform so great a work for the honour of
God; and how he had also adorned it with very valuable
votive offerings, so that he hoped he had left himself a
memorial and fair fame after his death. He then cried out
that these men had not abstained from affronting him even
in his life-time, but in the very day-time, and in the sight
of the multitude, had outraged him to that degree, as to
lay their hands upon what he had dedicated, and by way
of abuse to pull it down to the ground. They pretended,
indeed, that they had done so to affront him, but if any one
considered the matter, he would find that they were really
guilty of sacrilege against God.

§ 4. But those present, because of Herod’s temper, and
for fear he would be so cruel as to inflict punishment on
them, said that what was done was done without their appro¬
bation, and that it seemed to them that the deed deserved
punishment. But Herod dealt more mildly with the others,
but he deprived Matthias of the high priesthood, as in part
the cause of this action, and made Joazar, who was Matthias’
wife’s brother, high priest in his stead. Now it happened,
during the time of the high priesthood of this Matthias,
that another person was made high priest for a single day,
which the Jews observed as a fast, for the following reason.
This Matthias the high priest, during the night before the
day when the fast was to be celebrated, seemed in a dream to
have connection with his wife; and because he could not
officiate himself on that account, Joseph, the son of Ellemus,
his kinsman, performed the sacred duties for him. Herod
now deprived this Matthias of the high priesthood, and
burnt alive the other Matthias, who had raised this insur¬
rection, with his companions. And that very night there
was an eclipse of the moon. 1

1 This eclipse of the moon (which is the only eclipse of either of the
luminaries mentioned by our Josephus in any of his writings) is of the

CHAP. VI.] ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 233

§ 5. And now Herod’s disease greatly increased upon
him, God inflicting judgment upon him for his sins ; for a
slow fire consumed him, which did not so much appear to
the touch outwardly, as it augmented his pains inwardly;
and brought on him a vehement appetite for eating, which
he could not but satisfy. His intestines were also ulce¬
rated, and he had especial pain in his colon; an aqueous
and transparent humour was also in his feet, and a similar
ailment afflicted him in his abdomen. His privy-member
also was putrified, and bred worms; and when he sat up¬
right, he had a difficulty of breathing, which was very un¬
pleasant, on account of the foulness of his breath, and his
frequent panting ; he had also convulsions in all parts of
his body, which made him preternaturally strong. It was
said by those who practised divination, and were endued
with wisdom to foretell such things, that God inflicted this
punishment on the king on account of his great impiety.
And though his afflictions seemed greater than any one
could bear, yet had he some hopes of recovering, and sent
for physicians, and did not refuse to follow what they pre¬
scribed for his relief, and he crossed the river Jordan, and
bathed in the warm baths that were at Callirrhoe, 1 which,
besides their other general virtues, were also fit to drink ;
these waters run into the lake called Asphaltites. 2 And
when the physicians thought fit to revive him there, by
placing him in a vessel full of oil, it was supposed that
he was dying; but upon the lamentable cries of his
domestics, he came round, and having no longer the
least hopes of recovery, gave orders that every soldier
should be paid fifty drachm®. He also gave a great deal
of money to their commanders, and to his friends, and
returned to Jericho, where he grew so choleric, that it
made him do all things savagely, and though he was
near his death, he contrived the following wicked design.
Having commanded that all the principal men of the entire

g reatest consequence for the determination of the time for the death of
erod and Antipater, and for the birth and entire chronology of Jesus
Christ. It happened March I3th, in the year of the Julian period
4710, and the 4th year before the Christian era.—W.

1 The hot-springs in the Wady Zerka Ma'in, on the east of the Dead
Sea.

2 The Dead Sea.

234 THE WORKS OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XVII.

Jewish nation, wherever they lived, should come to him
(and a great number came, because the whole nation was
called, and all men heard of this decree, and death was the
penalty of such as should neglect the letters sent to call
them), the king was in a wild rage against them all, as
well innocent as guilty, and ordered them to be all shut
up in the hippodrome, and sent for his sister Salome, and
her husband AJexas, and spoke to them as follows. “ I shall
die at no distant time, so great are my pains; and death
ought to be cheerfully borne, and to be welcomed by all
men ; but what principally troubles me is this, that I shall
die without being lamented, and without such mourning as
usually takes place at a king’s death.” He added that he was
not unacquainted with the temper of the Jews, and knew that
his death would be a thing very desirable and exceedingly
acceptable to them, for even during his lifetime they were
ready to revolt from him and despise his measures. He
told them it was therefore their duty to resolve to afford
him some alleviation of his great sorrow under these
circumstances. For if they did not refuse him their con¬
sent in what he desired, he would have a great mourning
at his funeral, and such as never any king had had before
him, for then the whole nation would mourn from their
very soul, which otherwise would be done in sport and
mockery only. He desired therefore that as soon as they
saw he had given up the ghost, they should place soldiers
round the hippodrome, who did not know that he was
dead, and that they should not announce his death to the
multitude till this was done, and that they should give
orders to have those that were in the hippodrome shot
with these soldiers’ darts; and this slaughter of them all
would cause him not to fail to rejoice on two accounts, first
at their performing what he charged them with his dying
breath to do, and secondly at his having the honour of a
memorable mourning at his funeral. So he deplored his
condition with tears in his eyes, and appealed to them by
the kindness due from kindred, and by their faith in God,
and conjured them not to debar him of this honourable
mourning at his funeral. And they promised him to do
what he wished.

§ 6. Now one may easily discover the temper of this

CHAP. VII.] ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

235

man’s mind, even if one were satisfied with his former
acts, as having been done to his relations from love of life,
by these last commands of his which savoured of great in¬
humanity, since he took care, when he was departing out
of this life, that the whole nation should be put into
mourning by the loss of their dearest ones, as he gave orders
that one out of every family should be slain, although
they had done nothing that was unjust, or that was against
him, nor were they accused of any other crimes; though it
is usual for those who have any regard to virtue to lay
aside at the hour of death their hatred even to those whom
they justly esteem their enemies.

CHAP. VII.

S he was giving these instructions to his relations, there

^ a came letters from his ambassadors who had been sent
to Rome to Augustus, and when they were read, their pur¬
port was as follows: that Acme had been put to death by
Augustus, in consequence of his indignation at the hand
she had had in Antipater’s wicked practices; and that,
as to Antipater himself, Augustus left it to Herod to act
as became a father and king, and either to banish him
or take away his life, which he pleased. When Herod
heard this, he felt somewhat better from the pleasure he
had at the contents of the letters, and was elated at the
death of Acme, and at the power that was given him
over his son ; but as his pains became very great, he was
now ready to faint for want of something to eat; so he
called for an apple and a knife; for it was his custom
even formerly to pare an apple himself, and gradually to
cut it and eat it. When he had got the knife, he looked
about, and had a mind to stab himself with it; and would
have done so, had not his cousin Achiabus prevented him,
and held his hand, and cried out loudly. Whereupon a

236 the works or flavius josefhus. [book xvii.

woeful lamentation echoed through the palace, and a great
noise was made, as if the king was dead. Upon this
Antipater, who verily believed his father was dead, grew
bold in his language, hoping to be immediately and entirely
released from his bonds, and to take the kingdom into his
own hands without any more ado; so he talked with the
jailor about letting him go, and promised him great things,
both now and hereafter, as if that were the only thing now in
question. But the jailor not only refused to do what Anti¬
pater would have him, but informed the king of his inten¬
tions, and of the many solicitations he had had from him.
Thereupon Herod, who had not formerly been overpowered
by good-will towards his son, when he heard what the
jailor said, cried out, and beat his head, although he was
at death’s door, and raised himself upon his elbow, and
sent for some of his body-guards, and commanded them to
killAntipaterwithoutanyfurtherdelay.and to do it quickly,
and to bury him in an ignoble manner at Hyrcania. 1

CHAP. VIII.

Concerning Herod's Heath, Testament, and Burial.

§ 1 -

A ND now Herod changed his testament again upon the
alteration of his mind; for he appointed Antipas, to
whom he had before left the kingdom, to be tetrarch of
Galilee and Persea, 2 and granted the kingdom to Archelaus.
And Gaulonitis, and Trachonitis, and Batansea, 3 * and Panias, 1
he gave to Philip, his son, and own brother to Archelaus. 5

1 See Antiq. xiii. 16, § 3 ; xiv. 5, § 4; Jewiah War, i. 8, § 5.

2 Persea extended from Pella in the north to Muchserus in the south,
and from the Jordan eastward to Philadelphia, Rabboth Ammon. Jewish
War, iii. 3, § 3.

3 See Life, § 11.

* Caesarea Philippi, now Bdnias.

3 When it is said that Philip and Archelaus were own brothers, or
born of the same father and mother, there must be here some mistake ;
because they had indeed the same father Herod, but different mothers;
the former Cleopatra, and Archelaus, Malthace. They were indeed

CHAP. VIII. J

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

237

by the name of a tetrarchy ; and bequeathed Jamnia, 1 and
Azotus, 2 and Phasaelis, 3 to his sister Salome, as also five hun¬
dred thousand [drachmae] of coined silver. He also made
provision for all the rest of his kindred, by giving them
sums of money and revenues, and so left them all in a
wealthy condition. He bequeathed also to Augustus ten mil¬
lions of [drachmae] of coined silver, besides vessels both of
gold and silver, \nd to Julia, Augustus’ wife, exceedingly
costly garments, and to some others five millions. When
he had done these things, he died, the fifth day after he
had caused his son Antipater to be slain ; having reigned
thirty-four years since he had had Antigonus slain, and
thirty-seven since he had been declared king by the Romans.
He was a man of great cruelty to all men alike, and
a slave to his anger, and indifferent to justice, yet was
be favoured by fortune as much as any man ever was, for
from a private man he became a king, and though he was
surrounded by ten thousand dangers, he got clear of them
all, and protracted his life to a very old age. But as
to the affairs of his family and sons, in which indeed,
according to his own opinion, he was also very fortunate,
because he was able to conquer his enemies, he was in my
opinion very unfortunate.

§ 2. However Salome and Alexas, before the king’s death
was generally known, dismissed those that were shut up in
the hippodrome to their own homes, and told them that
the king ordered them to go away to their own lands, and
look after their own affairs. They thus conferred on the
nation a great benefit. And now the king’s death was
made public, and Salome and Alexas gathered the soldiers
together in the amphitheatre at Jericho ; and the first thing
they did was to read Herod’s letter written to the soldiers,
thanking them for their fidelity and good-will to him, and
exhorting them to treat his son Archelaus, whom he had
appointed as their king, with like fidelity and good-will.
After this Ptolemy, who had the king’s seal intrusted
to him, read the king’s testament, which was not to be of
force till Augustus had inspected it. And there was accla-

brought np all together at Rome like own brothers, which is perhaps
all that Josephus intends by the words before us.—W.

1 Yebnah. 2 Esditd. 3 ’Ain Fusail.

238

THE WORKS OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XVII.

mation made at once to Arehelaus as king, and the soldiers
came by bands, and their commanders with them, and
promised the same good-will to him, and zeal in serving
him, as they had exhibited to Herod, and they prayed God
to be his helper.

§ 3. After this was over, they prepared for the king’s
funeral, Arehelaus taking care that £is father should be
buried in a very sumptuous manner. Accordingly, he
brought out all his ornaments to add to the pomp of the
funeral. The body was carried upon a golden bier, em¬
broidered with very precious stones of great variety, and
the bier was covered over with purple, as well as the body
itself, which had a diadem upon its head, and above it a
crown of gold, and a sceptre in its right hand. Round the
bier were Herod’s sons and numerous relations; next to
these were the soldiers, disposed according to their several
countries and names, and placed in the following order:
first of all went the body-guards, then the band of Thra¬
cians, after them the Germans, and next them the Gala¬
tians, every one in their habiliments of war ; and behind
these marched the whole army in the same manner as they
used to go out to war, preceded by their commanders and
centurions; and these were followed by five hundred do¬
mestics carrying spices. And they went eight furlongs on
the road to Herodium; 1 for there by his own command
Herod was to be buried. And thus did he end his life.

§ 4. Now Arehelaus paid his father so much respect, as
to continue his mourning till the seventh day; for so many
days are appointed by the custom of our country. And
when he had feasted the multitude, and left off his mourning,
he went up into the temple; and he had acclamations and
praises given him, whichever way he went, every one vying
with one another who should appear to use the loudest
acclamations. And he ascended a high platform made for
him, and took his seat on a throne made of gold, and spoke
kindly to the multitude, and declared with what joy he
received their acclamations and marks of good-will; and
returned them thanks for not remembering to his disad¬
vantage the injuries his father had done them, and pro-

1 Jebel Fureidis.

CHAP. IX.]

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

239

mised them he would endeavour not to be slack in reward¬
ing their zeal to him. He said he should abstain at present
from the name of king, but he would have the honour of
that dignity if the Emperor should confirm the testament
his father had made; and that was the reason why, when
the army would have put the diadem on his head at Jericho,
he would not accept of that honour, which is usually so
much desired, because it was not yet evident that he who
had the authority of bestowing it would give it him. But
if he got the kingdom he would not (he said) come short in
the virtue of gratitude for their good-will; for it should be
his endeavour, in all things wherein they were concerned,
to prove in every respect better than his father. Where¬
upon the multitude, as is usual with them, supposed that
the first days show the intentions of those that enter upon
such sovereignty, and the more gently and civilly Arche-
laus spoke to them, so much the more highly did they
commend him, and made application to him to grant what
they desired. Some cried out to him to ease them of some
of their annual payments, others to release those that had
been put into prison by Herod (who were many, and had
been there a long time) ; others asked that he would do
away with those heavy taxes which had been laid upon
what was publicly sold or bought. And Archelaus contra¬
dicted them in nothing, as he was anxious to do all things
so as to conciliate the good-will of the multitude, looking
upon that good-will as a great step towards the preserva¬
tion of his power. He then went and offered sacrifice to
Hod, and afterwards betook himself to feasting with his
friends.

CHAP. IX.

How the People raised a Rebellion against Archelaus, and
how he Sailed to Rome.

§ 1 .

M EANTIME some of the Jews assembled together out
of desire of innovation, and lamented Matthias, and
those that were slain with him by Herod, who had not had

240 THE WORKS OP FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XVII.

at the time any respect paid them by mourning, from the
fear men were in of Herod, and had been condemned for
pulling down the golden eagle. These people made a great
clamour and lamentation, and threw out some reproaches
against the king also, as if that was a solace to the
deceased. They assembled together, and demanded of
Archelaus, that, to avenge them, he would inflict punish¬
ment on those who had been honoured by Hferod: and
first and foremost that he would deprive the high priest
whom Herod had made, and would choose one more agree¬
able to the law, and of greater purity, to officiate as high
priest. To this Archelaus assented, although he was
mightily offended at their importunity, because he pro¬
posed to himself to go to Rome shortly, to see what the
Emperor had determined about him. However, he sent
his general to use persuasion, and to tell them that the
death which was inflicted on their friends was according
to the law, and to represent to them that their petitions
about these things were highly insulting to him, and that
the time was not now fit for such petitions, but rather re¬
quired their unanimity until he should be established on
the throne by the consent of the Emperor, and should
have come back to them; for he would then consult
with them in common as to what they asked; but they
ought at present to be quiet, lest they should seem fac¬
tious.

§ 2. When the king had suggested this line of argu¬
ment, and instructed his general what he was to say, he
sent him to the people. But they made a clamour, and
would not let him speak, and put him in danger of his
life, as they also did to all who ventured upon saying
openly anything which might bring them to a sober mind,
and prevent their going on in their present courses; be¬
cause they had more desire to have all their way than to
yield obedience to their rulers, thinking it monstrous that,
while Herod was alive, they should have lost those who
were most dear to them, and that now he was dead, they
should not get their revenge. So they went on with their
designs in a violent manner, and thought all to be lawful
and right which tended to please them, being unskilful in
foreseeing what danger they ran, and if they had suspicion

CHAP. IX.]

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

241

of any such thing, the present pleasure they took in the
idea of the punishment of those they deemed their very
great enemies outweighed all such considerations. And
although Archelaus sent many to speak to them, they
treated them not as messengers sent by him, but as per¬
sons who came of their own accord to mitigate their anger,
and would not suffer one of them to speak. The rebellion
was also set in motion by such as were in a great passion,
and it was evident that it would grow, as the people joined
the movement in great numbers.

§ 3. Now on the approach of the feast of Unleavened
Bread, which the law of their fathers had appointed for
the Jews (which feast is called the Passover, 1 and is a
memorial of their deliverance out of Egypt, when they
offer sacrifices with zeal, and when it is customary to slay
more victims than at any other festival, and when an
innumerable multitude come out of the country—nay,
from beyond its limits also, to worship G-od), the innova¬
tors lamented Judas and Matthias, those teachers of the
laws, and kept together in the temple, having plenty of
food, because those factious persons were not ashamed to
demand it. And as Archelaus was afraid that some ter¬
rible thing would happen owing to these men’s madness,
he sent a regiment of armed men, and with them a captain
of a thousand, to suppress the violence of the rebellious,
before the whole population should be infected with the
like madness ; and charged them, if they found any more
openly rebellious than others, to bring them before him.
But those that were rebellious because of those dead
teachers of the law, incited the people by noise and
clamour, so they made an assault upon the soldiers, and
went up to them, and stoned most of them, but a few ran
away wounded, and their captain with them. And when
they had thus done, they attended to the sacrifice again.
Now Archelaus thought there was no way to keep his throne
but by cutting off those of the people who made this
attempt upon it; so he sent out his whole army against
them, and despatched his cavalry to prevent those that had

1 This Passover, when the rebellion here mentioned was moved
against Archelaus, was not one, but thirteen months after the eclipse of
the moon already mentioned.—W.

III.

R

242 THE WORKS OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XVII,

their tents outside the temple from assisting those that
were within the temple, and to kill such as fled from the
infantry when they thought themselves out of danger.
And the cavalry slew some three thousand men, and the rest
betook themselves to the neighbouring mountains. Then
did Arehelaus order proclamation to be made that all should
go to their own homes; so they went away, and left the
festival fearing that something worse might follow, although
they had been so bold because of their stupidity. Then
Arehelaus went down to the sea with his mother, and took
with him Nicolaus and Ptolemy, and many of his friends,
and left his brother Philip governor of all things belonging
both to his family and the realm. There also went with
him Herod’s sister Salome, who took with her her children,
and many of her kindred went with her, under pretext of
assisting Arehelaus in gaining the kingdom, but in reality
to oppose him, and chiefly to make loud complaints of
what he had done in the temple. But Sabinus, the Em¬
peror’s administrator in Syrian affairs, as he was making
haste to Judaea to take charge of Herod’s money, met with
Arehelaus at Caesarea; but Varus came up and restrained
him from meddling with it, for he had been sent for there
by Arehelaus through Ptolemy. And Sabinus, to gratify
Varus, did neither seize upon any of the fortresses that
were among the Jews, nor seal up the treasures in them,
but permitted Arehelaus to have them, till the Emperor
should declare his will about them, and having promised
that, he remained at Caesarea. But after Arehelaus had
sailed for Rome, and Varus had removed to Antioch, Sa-
binus went to Jerusalem, and seized on the king’s palace.
He also sent for the keepers of the garrisons, and for all
those who had had the charge of Herod’s affairs, and de¬
clared publicly that he should call them to account, and
disposed of the fortresses as he pleased. However, those
who kept them did not neglect what Arehelaus had com¬
manded them, but continued to keep all things in the
manner that had been enjoined them; and their pretext
was that they kept them all for the Emperor.

§ 4. At the same time, also, did Antipas, another of
Herod’s sons, sail to Rome, to claim the kingdom, being
buoyed up by Salome with promises that he should have

CHAP. IX.] ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 243

it, as 1 being much fitter than Archelaus for that authority;
since Herod had, in his former testament, which ought to
he esteemed most valid, deemed him the worthiest to be
made king. Antipas also took with him his mother, and
Ptolemy the brother of Nicolaus, who had been Herod’s
most honoured friend, and was now zealous for Antipas;
but it was Irenaeus the orator, who, on account of his
reputation for sagacity, was intrusted with the affairs of
the kingdom, who most of all encouraged him to think of
claiming the kingdom. That was why, when some advised
him to yield to Archelaus, as his elder brother, who had
been declared king by their father’s last will, he would not
do so. And when he was come to Rome, all his relations
came over to him, not out of good-will to him, but out of
hatred to Archelaus, though indeed they were most desirous
of gaining their liberty, and of being put under a Roman
governor; but if opposition were made to that, they thought
Antipas preferable to Archelaus, and so tried to get the
kingdom for him. Sabinus also accused Archelaus to the
Emperor in a letter.

§ 5. Now, when Archelaus had despatched a letter to
the Emperor, wherein he pleaded his right to the kingdom,
and his father’s testament, and sent Ptolemy with Herod’s
seal and the accounts of Herod’s money, he waited the
event. And when the Emperor had read Archelaus’ letter,
and Varus’ and Sabinus’ letters, and the accounts of the
money, and the statement of the annual revenues of the
kingdom, and understood that Antipas had also sent a letter
laying claim to the kingdom, he summoned his friends to¬
gether to give their opinions, and among them Caius, the son
of Agrippa and his daughter Julia whom he had adopted,
whom he made to sit first of all, and bade such as pleased
speak their minds about the affairs now before them. And
Salome’s son Antipater, a very clever orator, and a very
bitter enemy to Archelaus, spoke first, and said that it was
jesting of Archelaus to plead now to have the kingdom
given him, since he had in reality assumed the authority
already, before Augustus had granted it. He also in¬
veighed against his bold action in slaying so many at the

1 For Kai I read <hc- It is well known how similar the abbreviation
of these two words is, and how frequently thi3 mistake is made in MSS.

244

THE WORKS OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XVII.

Jewish festival, for if the men had acted unjustly, it was
bpt fit the punishing of them should have been reserved
to those who were out of the country, and had the right to
punish them, and not been executed by a man who, if he
pretended to be a king, wronged Augustus by ignoring his
authority, and if he owned himself a private person, his
case was much worse, since he who put in claim to the
kingdom, could by no means expect to have that power
granted him over the Jews, of which he had already de¬
prived Augustus. He also charged and upbraided him with
changing some commanders in the army, and sitting on the
royal throne, and deciding lawsuits, just as if he were king,
and assenting to the requests of those that publicly pe¬
titioned him, and indeed his management of all things,
which could in his opinion be no greater if he had been
already settled in the kingdom by Augustus. He also
ascribed to him the releasing of the prisoners that were
in the hippodrome, and many other things, that had either
been done by him, or might be believed to have been done,
because they were of such a nature as were done by young
men, and by such as in desire of ruling grasped at power
too soon. He also charged him with neglect in mourning
for his father, and with revelling the very night he died;
and said that was why the multitude began raising a tu¬
mult ; and if Archelaus could thus requite his dead father,
who had bestowed such benefits upon him, and bequeathed
such great things to him, pretending to shed tears for him
in the day-time like an actor on the stage, but every night
making merry at having got the kingdom, he would show
himself the same Archelaus to Augustus, if he granted
him the kingdom, as he had been to his father; for he
had then danced and sung, as though an enemy of his had
fallen, and not as though a man was being carried to his
funeral, that was so nearly related to him, and had been
so great a benefactor. But he said that the most mon¬
strous thing of all was, that he came now before Augustus
to obtain the kingdom by his grant, when he had before
acted in all things as he would have acted if the Emperor
himself had already fixed him firmly in the kingdom. And
what he most exaggerated in his pleading was the slaughter
of those in the temple, and the impiety of its being done

CHAP. IX.]

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

245

at festival time, and how they were slain like sacrifices
themselves, some of them foreigners, and others of their
own country, till the temple was full of dead bodies: and
all this was not done by an alien, but by one who laid
claim to the lawful title of king, that he might fulfil the
wicked tyranny which his nature prompted him to, and
which was hated by all men. That was no doubt the reason
why his father had never so much as dreamed of making
him his successor in the kingdom, when he was of a sound
mind, because he knew his character, and in his former and
more authentic testament had appointed his enemy Antipas
to succeed ; for Archelaus was called by his father to the
kingdom, when Herod was in an ailing condition both
of body and mind, while Antipas was called when Herod
was ripest in his judgment, and of such strength of body
as made him capable of managing his own affairs. And
even if his father had had the like notion of him formerly
that he had now showed, yet Archelaus had given a suffi¬
cient specimen of what sort of a king he was likely to be,
when he deprived Augustus of the power which he justly
had of disposing of the kingdom, and had not abstained
from making a terrible slaughter of his fellow-citizens in
the temple when he was but as yet a private person.

§ 6. When Antipater had said thus much, and had
confirmed what he said by producing many witnesses from
among his own relations, he ended his speech. Upon
which Nicolaus rose up on behalf of Archelaus, and said
that what had been done in the temple was rather to be
attributed to the behaviour of those who had been killed
than to the authority of Archelaus; for those who were
the authors of such things, were not only wicked in the
injuries they themselves did, but in forcing sober persons
to avenge themselves upon them. And it was evident that
their hostile action was taken in pretext, indeed, against
Archelaus, but in reality against the Emperor himself, for
those riotous persons attacked and slew those who were
sent by Archelaus, and who came only to put a stop to their
doings, having no regard either to God or to the custom
of the festival; and yet Antipater was not ashamed to
advocate their cause, whether to indulge his enmity against
Archelaus, or because of his own hatred of virtue and

246 THE WORKS OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XVII.

justice. For those who began such tumults, and attacked
people who little expected it, forced men even against
their will to betake themselves to arms to punish them.
Nicolaus also ascribed all the rest that was done to all
those who had acted in counsel with the accusers, for no¬
thing which was here accused of as unjust had been done,
but what had been approved of by them ; nor were those
things bad in themselves, but only so represented to harm
Archelaus. So great was these factious persons’ desire to
do injury to a man that was of their kindred, and their
father’s benefactor, and one familiarly acquainted with
them, who had ever lived in friendship with them. And
as to Herod’s testament, it was made by the king when he
was in a sound mind, and so ought to be more valid than
his former testament, for Augustus was left by it the
judge and sole disposer of all its contents. And certainly
Augustus would not imitate the unjust proceedings of
those men, who, during Herod’s life, had on all occasions
been benefited by his power, and yet now zealously en¬
deavoured to hinder his will, though they had not themselves
deserved as well of Herod as Archelaus had. Augustus
would not therefore disannul the testament of a man who
had put everything at his disposal, and had been his friend
and ally, and had committed everything to him in trust.
Nor would Augustus’ virtuous and upright disposition,
which was known and uncontested throughout all the
world, imitate the wickedness of these men in condemning
a king as having lost his reason, and as a madman, for
having bequeathed the succession to a good son, who fled
to Augustus’ uprightness for refuge. Nor could Herod
ever have been mistaken in his judgment about his suc¬
cessor, when he showed so much prudence as to submit all
things to the decision of Augustus.

§ 7 . When Nicolaus had laid these arguments before
Augustus, he ended his speech. And Augustus kindly
raised Archelaus up when he threw himself down at his
feet, and said that he was most worthy of the kingdom,
and showed that he was not disposed to act otherwise than
his father’s testament directed, which was for the ad¬
vantage of Archelaus. However, though he gave this,
encouragement to Archelaus to rely on him and banish all

CHAP. X.]

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

247

fear, he made no full determination about him. And,
when the assembly was broken up, he debated with him¬
self, whether he should confirm the kingdom to Archelaus,
or whether he should divide it among all Herod’s pos¬
terity, as these too stood in need of much assistance.

CHAP. X.

An Insurrection of the Jews against Sabinus; and how
Varus brought the Authors of it to Punishment.

§ 1 -

B UT before these things could he brought to a settle¬
ment, Archelaus’ mother, Malthace, fell ill and died,
and letters came from Varus, the governor of Syria, in¬
forming Augustus of a revolt of the Jews. For, after
Archelaus had sailed, the whole nation was in an uproar,
and Varus himself, as he was on the spot, brought the
authors of the disturbance to punishment; and when he
had mostly composed this rising, which was a formidable
one, he set out for Antioch, leaving one legion of his army
at Jerusalem to keep the Jews quiet, if they made any
new rising. But this did not at all avail to put an end
to their rebellion ; for after Varus was gone away, Sabinus,
Augustus’ procurator, stayed behind, and greatly harassed
the Jews, believing that the forces that were left there
would by their numbers be too many for the Jews. For
he made use of them, and armed them as his guards, so
oppressing and troubling the Jews, that they rebelled;
for he used force to seize the citadels, and zealously made
violent search for the king’s money, on account of his love
of gain, and extraordinary covetousness.

§ 2. Now on the approach of Pentecost (which is a
festival of ours, so called from the days of our forefathers)
a great many myriads of men assembled together not only
to keep the festival, but also in consequence of their in¬
dignation at the mad insolence of Sabinus. They were
chiefly Galilseans and Idumseans, and from Jericho, and
those who inhabited the districts on the other side of the

248 THE WORKS OF FL A.VIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XVII,

river Jordan, who all banded together, and were more
zealous than the others to avenge themselves on Sabinus.
And they divided themselves into three bands, and en¬
camped in the following places, some of them seized upon
the hippodrome, and one of the other two bands encamped
on the east quarter from the north part of the temple to
the south, while the third band occupied the west part
of the city where the king’s palace was. Their action
tended to besiege entirely the Romans, and to shut them
in on all sides. Now Sabinus was afraid of these men’s
numbers and spirit, for they had little regard to their
lives from their desire not to be overcome, and they
thought it virtue to conquer their enemies; so he sent
immediately a letter to Varus, and, as was usual with him,
was very urgent with him, and entreated him to come
quickly to his assistance, as the forces he had left were in
imminent danger, and would probably, in no long time, be
intercepted and cut to pieces. But he himself occupied
the highest tower of the fortress Phasaelus (which had
been built in honour of Phasaelus, 1 king Herod’s brother,
and so called when the Parthians had brought him to his
death 2 ), and thence gave a signal to the Romans to attack
the Jews, and although he did not himself venture even to
come down to his friends, expected that all the others
should expose themselves to death for his greediness.
And as the Romans ventured to make a sally, a terrible
battle ensued ; and though the Romans beat their adver¬
saries, yet were not the Jews cowed in spirit even at the
sight of the terrible slaughter that was made of many of
them, but they made a circuit, and got upon those porti¬
coes which surrounded the outer court of the temple,
where a great fight was still maintained, and they cast
stones at the Romans, partly with their hands, and partly
from slings, being very expert in that kind of warfare.
All the archers also drawn up in battle-array did the
Romans a great deal of mischief, because they were on
higher ground, and so not easy to get at, for when the
Romans tried to shoot their arrows against the Jews up¬
wards, these arrows could not reach them, so that the

1 The ‘ Tower of David ’ at Jerusalem.

2 See Antiq. xiv. 13, § 10, and Jewish War, ii. 12, § 9.—W.

CHAP. X.]

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

249

Jews were too much for their enemies here. And this sort
of fight lasted a great while, till at last the Romans, who
were greatly enraged at what was done, set fire to the
porticoes so stealthily, that those Jews who were upon
them did not perceive it. This fire being fed by a great
deal of combustible matter, 1 soon caught the roof of
the porticoes; and the wood, which was full of pitch and
wax, especially as its gold was smeared over with wax,
yielded to the flames at once ; and those vast works, which
were so worthy of esteem, were destroyed utterly, and
those that were on the roof unexpectedly perished at the
same time ; for, as the roof tumbled in, some of these
men fell down with it, and others were killed by their
enemies who surrounded them. Many also, in despair of
saving their lives, and dismayed at the fate that awaited
them, either cast themselves into the fire, or threw them¬
selves upon their own swords, and so got out of their
misery. And as to those that endeavoured to escape by
the same way by which they ascended, they were all killed
by the Romans, being unarmed, and their courage failing
them ; their reckless fury being now unable to serve them,
as they were destitute of armour; so that not one of those
that ascended to the roof escaped. The Romans also
rushed through the fire, where it was practicable, and
seized on the treasure where the sacred money was; a
great part of which was stolen by the soldiers, but Sabinus
got openly four hundred talents.

§ 3. Now the loss of their friends, who fell in this
battle, grieved the Jews, as did also the plundering of the
money dedicated to G-od in the temple. So that body of
them which was most compact and most warlike sur¬
rounded the palace, and threatened to set fire to it, and
kill all that were in it, and commanded them to go out
quickly, and promised, if they would do so, that they
would not hurt them, or Sabinus either. And most of the
king’s troops deserted to them, while Rufus and Gratus,

1 These great devastations made about the temple here, and Jewish
War, ii. 3, § 3, seem not to have been fully repaired in the days of Nero;
till whose time there were 18,000 workmen continually employed in
rebuilding and repairing the temple, as Josephus informs us, Antiq.
xx. 9, § 7.—YV.

250 THE WORKS OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XVII.

who had three thousand of the most warlike of Herod’s
army with them, who were men of bodily activity, went
over to the Romans. There was also a troop of horse
under the command of Rufus, which itself went over to
the Romans also. However, the Jews went on with the
siege, and dug mines under the walls, and besought those
that had gone over to the other side not to hinder them,
now they had such an opportunity for the recovery of
their country’s ancient liberty. As for Sabinus, he was
desirous of going away with his soldiers, but dared not
trust himself with the enemy ou account of the mischief
he had already done them, and this great clemency of
theirs (which he suspected) made him reject their offer. He
also expected that Varus was coming, and so endured the
siege.

§ 4. At this time there were myriads of other troubles
in Judaea, many people in many places stirring up war
either in hope of gain to themselves, or from enmity to the
Jews. And two thousand of Herod’s old soldiers, who
had been already disbanded, mustered in Judeea itself, and
fought against the king’s troops, and Achiabus, Herod’s
cousin, opposed them ; but as he was driven out of the
plains into the mountainous parts by their military skill,
he kept on ground not easy of approach, and saved what
he could.

§ 5. There was also one Judas, the son of that Ezekias
who had been a robber-chief, a very strong man, who had
with great difficulty been taken by Herod. This Judas
having got together a multitude of men of profligate cha¬
racter at Sepphoris 1 in G-alilee, made an assault upon the
palace [there,] and seized upon all the weapons that were
stored up in it, and armed with them every one of his
men, and made off with all the money that was left there,
and became terrible to all men by plundering those that
came near him, in consequence of a thirst for power, and
an ambitious desire for royal rank, which he hoped to
obtain, not as the reward of his virtue, but of his power
to do harm.

§ 6. There was also one Simon, who had been a slave of
1 Sefurieh.

CHAP. X.]

ANTIQUITIES OF THE .TEWS.

251

Herod the king, but was in other respects a comely person,
tall and of a robust body, and had had great things com¬
mitted to his trust. He, being elated at the disorderly
state of affairs, was so bold as to put a diadem on
his head, and a certain number of the people stood by
him, and by their madness he was hailed as king, and
he thought himself more worthy of that dignity than any
one else, and burnt down the royal palace at Jericho, and
plundered what was left in it, and also set fire to many
other of the king’s houses in various parts of the country,
and utterly destroyed them, and permitted those who were
associated with him to take what was left in them as
spoil. And he would have done greater things, if care had
not been taken to repress him quickly ; for Gratus, after he
had joined himself to the Roman soldiers, took the forces
he had with him, and met Simon, and after a great and
obstinate fight, most of those that came from Peraea, who
were a disorderly body of men, and fought in rather a
bold than skilful manner, were cut to pieces, and al¬
though Simon tried to save himself by flight through a
certain defile, yet Gratus overtook him, and cut off his
head. The royal palace at Amatha, 1 near the river Jordan,
was also burnt down by a party of men that mustered
together, like those belonging to Simon. Thus did a great
and wild fury spread itself over the nation, because they
had no king of their own to keep the multitude in virtue, and
because those foreigners, who came to reduce the rebellious
to order, did, on the contrary, set them more in a flame,
because of their avarice and outrageous treatment of them.

§ 7. At this time also Athronges, a person eminent
neither for the dignity of his progenitors, nor for any
great virtue or wealth of his own, as he was only a shep¬
herd, and obscure in all respects, because he was a tall
man, and excelled others in the strength of his hands, was
so bold as to set up for king, and thought it so sweet a
thing to do injuries to others, that although he should be
killed, he did not much care if he lost his life in such
actions. He had also four brothers, who were tall men
themselves, and were believed to be superior to others in

1 'Amatefi, east of the Jordan and north of the Jabbok.

252 THE WORKS OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS, [book XVII.

the strength of their hands, and he thought that strength
of theirs would aid him in retaining his kingdom. Each
of them ruled over a band of men of their own; for those who
mustered to them were very numerous. They were also
every one of them commanders, but when they came to fight,
they were subordinate to Athronges, and fought for him,
and he put a diadem on his head, and assembled a council
to debate about what things were to be done, and all
things were done according to his pleasure. And he re¬
tained his power a great while, being called king, and
having nothing to hinder him from doing what he pleased,
and he and his brothers slew a great many both of the
Homans and of the king’s forces, acting with the like
hatred to each of them, to the king’s forces because of their
outrageous conduct during Herod’s reign, and to the
Romans because of the injuries they had so lately re¬
ceived from them. But in process of time they grew
more cruel to all sorts of men alike, nor could any one
escape, for they slew some in the hope of gain, and others
from the mere habit of slaying men. They once attacked a
company of Romans at Emmaus, 1 who were bringing corn
and weapons to the army, and surrounded Areus, the cen¬
turion, who commanded the Company, and shot down him
and forty of the best of his foot-soldiers ; and the rest of
them were dismayed at their slaughter, and left their dead
behind them, but escaped themselves by the aid of Gratus,
who came with the king’s troops that were with him to
their assistance. They continued such guerilla warfare a
long while, and much harassed the Romans, but did their
own nation also a great deal of injury. But they were after¬
wards put down, one of them in a fight with Gratus, another
with Ptolemy; and Archelaus took the eldest of them
prisoner, when the last of them was so dejected at the
others’ misfortune, and saw so plainly that he had no way
now left to save himself, being left alone and worn out
with continual labours, and having lost his men, that he
also delivered himself up to Archelaus, upon his promise
and oath to God [to preserve his life.] But these things
happened some time afterwards.

1 Emmaus Nicopolis, f Amwds.

CHAP. X.]

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

253

§ 8. And now Judsea was full of bands of robbers, and,
as the several companies of the seditious lit upon any one
to head them, he was created a king immediately, in order
to do mischief to the community. They did some small
harm to a few of the Eomans, but their murders of their
own people lasted the longest.

§ 9. Directly Yarus was informed of the state of Judsea
by Sabin us’ writing to him, he was afraid for the legion he
had left; so he took the two other legions (for there were
three legions in all in Syria), and four troops of horse, and
all the auxiliary forces that either the kings or any of the
tetrarchs supplied him with, and made what haste he
could to assist those who were then besieged in Judsea.
He also gave orders to all who were sent forward to hasten
to Ptolemais. The citizens of Berytus 1 also gave him fifteen
hundred auxiliaries, as he passed through their city. Aretas
also, the king of Arabia Petraea, 2 from his hatred to Herod,
and in order to purchase the favour of the Eomans, sent
no small assistance, besides foot and horse. And when
Varus had concentrated all his forces at Ptolemais, 3 he
committed part of them to his son, and to a friend of his,
and sent them upon an expedition into Galilee, which lies
in the neighbourhood of Ptolemais ; and they attacked the
enemy, and put them to flight, and took Sepphoris, and
made its inhabitants slaves, and burnt the city. But Yarus
himself pushed on to Samaria 4 with the main army : but he
did not meddle with the city of that name, because it was
not accused of rebellion, but pitched his camp at a certain
village that belonged to Ptolemy, called Arus, 5 which the
Arabians burnt from their hatred to Herod, and from
the enmity they bore to his friends. The Arabians marched
thence to another village called Sampho, 5 which they
plundered and burnt, although it was a very strong and
fortified place ; and all along this march nothing escaped
them, but all places were full of fire and slaughter. Emmaus
was also burnt by Yarus’ order, after its inhabitants had
deserted it, that he might avenge those that had been

1 Beirut.

2 The desert of Petra and the Peninsula of Sinai.

3 ’Akka. 4 Sebustieh.

5 Not identified.

254 THE WORKS OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XVII.

slain there. From thence Yarns marched at once to Jeru¬
salem, and those Jews whose camp lay there, and who were
besieging the Roman legion, at first sight of the approach
of his army raised the siege and fled. But as to the Jews in
Jerusalem, when Yarns reproached them bitterly, they
cleared themselves of the charges laid against them, and
said that the conflux of the people was occasioned by the
feast, and that the war was not made with their approba¬
tion, but came from the rashness of the strangers, for they
were on the side of the Romans, and rather besieged with
them, than desirous at all to besiege them. Row Joseph,
the cousin of king Herod, had also come before this to
meet Varus, as had also G-ratus and Rufus (who brought
their soldiers with them), and those Romans who had been
besieged. But Sabinus did not come into Varus’ presence,
but stole out of tbe city privately, and went to the sea¬
side.

§ 10. Next Varus sent a part of his army all over the
country, to seek out the authors of the revolt; and when
they were discovered, he punished some of those that were
most guilty, and some he dismissed: the number of those
that were crucified on this account was two thousand.
After this he disbanded his army, which he found not at
all useful, for the soldiers behaved themselves very dis¬
orderly, and disobeyed Varus’ orders and wishes, being
intent on the gain which they made by malpractices. As
for himself, when he was informed that ten thousand Jews
had mustered together, he made haste to crush them ; but
they did not venture to fight him, but, at the advice of
Achiabus, surrendered to Varus. Thereupon he forgave
the multitude their crime of revolting, but sent their
several commanders to Augustus. The Emperor dismissed
many of them, and the only persons whom he punished
were those relations of Herod who had joined these men in
this war, who, without the least regard to justice, had
fought against their own kindred.

CHAP. XI.]

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

255

CHAP. XI.

An Embassy of the Jews to Augustus, and how he confirmed
Herod’s Testament.

§ 1 .

W HEN Yams had settled these affairs, and left the
legion that had been formerly there to garrison
Jerusalem, he set out for Antioch. As for Archelaus, he
had new sources of trouble come upon him at Rome from
the following circumstances. An embassy of the Jews
came to Rome (Varus having permitted the nation to send
it) to petition for the liberty of living according to their
own laws. Now, the number of the ambassadors that were
sent by the will of the nation was fifty, who were joined by
more than eight thousand Jews who dwelt at Rome. And
Augustus assembled his friends, and the chief men among
the Romans, in the temple of Apollo, which he had built
at great expense, and the ambassadors came there, and the
multitude of Jews that lived at Rome with them, as did
also Archelaus and his friends. But as for the various
kinsmen of the king, they would not join themselves with
Archelaus, from their hatred to him; and yet they thought
it monstrous to vote with the ambassadors against him, sup¬
posing it would be a disgrace to them in Augustus’ opinion
to think of thus acting in opposition to a man of their own
kindred. Philip also had arrived there from Syria, at the
instigation of Varus, with the principal intention of assist¬
ing his brother (for Varus was his great friend), but still
so, if any change should happen in the form of government
(for Varus expected the kingdom would be divided, because
of the many who desired the liberty of living in accordance
with their own laws), that he might not be behind, but
might have his share of it.

§ 2. Now upon liberty being given to the Jewish ambas¬
sadors to speak, they who hoped by their words to put down
kingly government betook themselves to accusing Herod
of various lawless acts, and declared that he had been
nominally indeed a king, but had usurped that absolute

256 THE WORKS OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XVII.

authority which tyrants exercise over their subjects,
and had made use of that authority for the destruc¬
tion of the Jews, and had not abstained from introducing
many innovations among them besides, according to his
own inclination. And although a great many had perished
during his reign by various kinds of deaths, so many
indeed as no previous history related, they that had sur¬
vived were far more miserable than those that had suffered,
not only from the anxiety they were in as to his look and
disposition, but also from the danger their estates were in.
They said Herod had never ceased adding to the beauty of
those neighbouring cities that were inhabited by foreigners,
but the cities belonging to his own kingdom were ruined
and utterly destroyed, and whereas when he took the king¬
dom, it was in an extraordinarily flourishing condition, he
had afflicted the nation with extreme poverty, and when he
had slain any of the nobility upon unjust pretexts, he had
taken away their estates, and when he permitted any of
them to live, he had condemned them to the forfeiture of
what they possessed. And, besides the annual impositions
which he laid upon every one of them, they had had to
make liberal presents to him and his domestics and
friends, and to such of his slaves as were vouchsafed the
favour of being his tax-gatherers, because there was no
way of obtaining freedom from unjust violence, without
giving either gold or silver for it. They would say nothing
of the deflowering of their virgins, or the debauching of
their wives, and that carried out in a wanton and inhuman
manner, because it was almost equal pleasure to the suf¬
ferers to have such things concealed as not to have suffered
them. They said Herod had ill treated them worse than
a wild beast would have done, if he had had power
given him to rule ; and although their nation had passed
through many vicissitudes and changes, their history gave
no account of any calamity it had ever undergone, that
could be compared with what Herod had brought upon
the nation. And so they had thought they might
reasonably and gladly hail Arehelaus as king, upon the
supposition that whoever should be set over the kingdom
would appear more mild to them than Herod had been;
and they had joined with him in the mourning for his

CHAP. XI.]

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

257

father, in order to gratify him, and were ready to oblige
him in other points also, if they found him mild in his
dealings with them. But he seemed to be afraid lest he
should not be deemed Herod’s own son; and so, without
any delay, he immediately let the nation understand his
disposition, and that before his position on the throne was
secure, since Augustus could either give it him or not, as
he pleased. Moreover he had given his subjects a speci¬
men of his future virtue, and of the kind of moderation
and good administration with which he would govern
them, by his first action in the sight of the citizens and
God himself, when he slaughtered three thousand of his
own countrymen in the temple. How, then, could they
help justly hating him who, besides his other barbarity,
had alleged as one of their crimes that they had opposed
and thwarted him in the exercise of his authority ? They
concluded by saying that the main thing they desired was
that they might be delivered from kingly and similar
governments, and might be added to Syria, and be put
under the authority of such chief magistrates as should be
sent to them; for it would thereby be made evident,
whether they were really rebellious people, and generally
fond of innovations, or whether they would live in an
orderly manner, if they had mild rulers set over them.

§ 3. Now when the Jews had said this, Nicolaus vindi¬
cated the kings from those accusations, and said that as
for Herod, since he had never been thus accused during
his life, it was not right for those that might during his
lifetime have accused him before just judges, and procured
his punishment, to bring an accusation against him now
that he was dead. He also attributed the actions of
Archelaus to the Jews’ insolence, who, striving after what
was contrary to the laws, and beginning to kill those who
would have hindered them from their insolence, now com¬
plained of just reprisals. He also accused them of their
love of innovation, and of the pleasure they took in sedi¬
tion, because of their not having learned to submit to
justice and the laws, through their desiring to have their
way in all things. This was what Nicolaus said.

§ 4. When Augustus had heard these pleadings, he dis¬
solved the assembly, and a few days afterwards appointed

hi. s

258 THE WORKS OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XVII.

Archelaus not indeed king, but ethnarch of half the
country that had been subject to Herod, and promised to
give him the royal dignity subsequently, if he deserved it.
As for the other half, he divided it into two parts, and
gave it to two other of Herod’s sons, to Philip and to that
Antipas who disputed with Archelaus the whole kingdom.
Now Persea and Galilee paid their tribute, which amounted
annually to two hundred talents, to Antipas, while
Batanaea and Trachonitis and Auranitis, with a certain
portion of what was called the house of Zenodorus, paid
the tribute of one hundred talents to Philip. But Idumaea,
and Judaea, and Samaria, paid tribute to Archelaus, but
had a fourth part of their tribute taken off by order of
Augustus, who decreed them that abatement because they
had not joined in revolt with the rest of the multitude.
There were also other cities which paid tribute to Arche¬
laus, as Strato’s tower, 1 and Sebaste, 2 and Joppa, and Jeru¬
salem ; for as to Gaza and Gadara 3 and Hippos, 4 they are
Greek cities, which Augustus separated from Archelaus’
jurisdiction, and added to the province of Syria. And
the tribute-money that came to Archelaus every year from
his dominions amounted to six hundred talents.

§ 5. So much of their father’s inheritance came to
Herod’s sons. As to Salome, besides what her brother left
her by his testament, namely, Jamnia, 5 and Azotus, 5 and
Phasaelis/and five hundred thousand [drachmae] of coined
silver, Augustus made her a present of the royal habita¬
tion at Ascalon; “ her revenues in all amounted to sixty
talents a year, and her dwelling-house was within Arche¬
laus’ jurisdiction. The rest also of the king’s relations
received what his testament allotted them. Moreover,
Augustus made a present to each of Herod’s two virgin
daughters, besides what their father left them, of two hun¬
dred and fifty thousand [drachmae] of silver, and married
them to Pheroras’ sons; he also granted all that was be¬
queathed to himself to the king’s sons, which was one
thousand five hundred talents, except a few of the vessels,

1 Caesarea Pala?stina, Kaisartyek. 2 Samaria, Sebu&tieh.

3 TJmm Keis. 4 S&siyeh. See Life, § 9. * Yebnah.

6 Esdud. 7 ’Ain Fusdil. 5 ’Ascaldn .

CHAP. XII.]

ANTIQUITIES OP THE JEWS.

259

which he reserved for himself ; and they were acceptable
to him, not so much for their great value as because they
were memorials to him of king Herod.

CHAP. XII.

Concerning a spurious Alexander.

§ L

W HEN these affairs had been thus settled by Augustus,
a certain young man, by birth a Jew, but brought up
by a Roman freedman in the city of Sidon, palmed himself
off as akin to Herod, by the resemblance of countenance,
which those who saw him attested him to have to Alex¬
ander the son of Herod, whom Herod had had put to death.
And this was an incitement to him to endeavour to seize
the kingdom. So he took to him as an assistant a man
of his own tribe (one who was well acquainted with the
affairs of the palace, but in other respects a bad man, and
one whose nature made him capable of causing great mis¬
chief, and who taught this wicked contrivance to the other),
and declared himself to be Alexander the son of Herod, who
had been stolen away by one of those that were sent to slay
him, who slew two others to deceive the spectators, but saved
both him and his brother Aristobulus alive. Thus was this
man puffed up, and proceeded to impose on all that saw
him, and when he landed at Crete, he made all the Jews
that came into his company believe his story. And when
he had got much money, which was presented to him there,
he crossed over to Melos, 1 where he got much more money
than he had before, from the belief the people of Melos had
that he was of the royal family, and from their hopes that
he would recover his father’s kingdom, and reward his
benefactors : so he made haste to Rome, and was escorted
there by his private friends. He was also so fortunate,
upon landing at Diesearchia, 2 as to bring the Jews that
were there into the same delusion; and not only other

' This island, now Milo, is the most westerly of the Cyclades.

2 Puteoli, now Pozzuoli, near Naples.

260 THE WORKS OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XVII,

people, but also all those who had been intimate with
Herod, or had good-will to him, joined themselves to him
as their king. The reason was that men gladly listened to
his tale, which was confirmed by his appearance, which
made those who had been intimately acquainted with
Alexander believe that he was no other but the very same
person, which they also confirmed to others by oath. And
so, when the report went about him that he was come
to Rome, the whole multitude of the Jews that were there
went out to meet him, ascribing it to divine providence
that he had so unexpectedly escaped, and being very joyful
because of their affection to his mother’s family. And
wherever he went, he was carried in a litter through the
streets, and all the ornaments about him were such as kings
wore, and all this was done at the expense of his private
friends. The multitude also flocked about him perpetually,
and made auspicious acclamations to him, and nothing
was omitted which could be thought proper treatment
for such as had been so unexpectedly preserved alive.

§ 2. When news of this was told Augustus he did not
believe it, because Herod was not so easily to be imposed
upon in affairs of great concern to him ; yet, having some
suspicion it might be so, he sent Celadus, one of his freed-
men, who had intimately known the young men, and bade
him bring Alexander into his presence. And he brought
him, being no better in judging about him than the rest
of the multitude. However the young man did not deceive
Augustus, for although there was a resemblance between
him and Alexander, yet was it not so exact as to impose
on such as had good discernment. For this spurious
Alexander had his hands rough from the labour he had
undergone, and instead of that softness of body which the
other had, derived from his delicate and noble bringing up,
this man, for the contrary reason, had a hard body. When,
therefore, Augustus saw how the master and scholar agreed
in this lying story, and in their audacious fiction, he in¬
quired about Aristobulus, and asked what had become of
him, who (according to his story) was stolen away also, and
why he had not come with him, and endeavoured to recover
the rights due to his high birth also ? And he said, that
he had been left in the island of Cyprus, for fear of the

CHAP. XIII.] ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

261

dangers of the sea, that, in case anything should happen
to himself, the posterity of Mariamne might not utterly
perish, but that Aristobulus might survive, and punish
those that had plotted against them. And as he perse¬
vered in his affirmations, and the author of the imposture
bore him out, Augustus took the young man aside and said
to him, “ If thou wilt not impose upon me, thou shalt have
this for thy reward, that thou shalt escape with thy life;
tell me, then, who thou art, and who it was that had bold¬
ness enough to contrive such a cheat as this ; for this con¬
trivance is too great a piece of villany to have been under¬
taken by one of thy age.” And as he had no other course
to take, he told Augustus of the contrivance, and how, and
by whom, it was made up. Then Augustus, observing the
spurious Alexander to be a strong active man, and fit to
work with his hands (for he would not break his promise
to him) put him to row in his gallies, but had him executed
who had induced him to do what he had done. As for the
people of Melos, he thought them sufficiently punished, in
having thrown away so much of their money upon this
spurious Alexander. Such was the ignominious conclu¬
sion of this bold contrivance in regard to this spurious
Alexander.

CHAP. XIII.

How Archelaus, upon a second Accusation, was banished to
Vienne.

§ I-

HEN Archelaus had taken over his ethnarchy, and

VV returned to Judsea, he accused Joazar, the son of
Boethus, of having assisted the rebellious, and took away
the high priesthood from him, and put Eleazar his brother
into his place. He also magnificently rebuilt the royal
palace at Jericho, and diverted half the water with which
the village of Neara 1 used to be watered, and drew off that
water into the plain, which he had planted with palm-

1 Probably the Naarah or Naarath of Josh. xvi. 7, now Kh. el-
’Adjah, in the Jordan valley.

262

THE WORKS OP FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XVII.

trees. He also built a village which he called Archelais; 1
and he transgressed the law of our fathers 2 by marrying
Glaphyra, the daughter of Archelaus, who had been the
wife of his brother Alexander, who had three children
by her, though it was a thing detestable among the Jews
to marry their brothers’ wives. But Eleazar did not con¬
tinue long in the high priesthood; Jesus, the son of Sie,
being put in his room while he was still living.

§ 2. How in the tenth year of Archelaus’ rule, the
principal men of Judsea and Samaria, not being able to
bear his barbarous and tyrannical usage of them, accused
him to Augustus, especially as they knew he had broken
the commands of the Emperor, namely to behave himself
with moderation among them. And Augustus, when he
heard this accusation, was very angry, and called for Arche-
laus’ agent, who looked after his affairs at Rome, and whose
name was Archelaus also, and thinking it beneath him to
write to Archelaus, he bade this agent sail away as soon as
possible, and bring him to Rome : and he made haste in his
voyage, and when he reached Judsea, found Archelaus
feasting with his friends; and he told him what Augustus
had sent him for, and hurried him off. And when he
reached Rome, Augustus, upon hearing what his accusers
had to say, and his reply, banished him, and appointed
Vienne, 3 a city of Gaul, to be the place of his habitation,
and took his money away from him.

§ 3. Now, before Archelaus had gone up to Rome upon
being summoned by Augustus, he related the following
dream to his friends, that he saw ten ears of com full
of wheat, perfectly ripe, which ears, as it seemed to
him, were devoured by oxen. And when he woke (for
the vision appeared to be of great importance to him) he
sent for the wise men who understood dreams. And while
some were of one opinion, and some of another, (for all
their interpretations did not agree,) Simon, a man of the

1 Tell el-Mazar , in the Jordan valley.

2 Spanheim seasonably observes here, that it was forbidden the Jews
to marry their brother’s wife, when she had children by her first
husband, and that Zenoras interprets the clause before us accordingly.
—VV.

3 Viennr , on the left bank of the Rhone.

CHAP. XIII.] ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

263

sect of the Essenes, desired leave to speak his mind freely,
and said that the vision denoted a change in the affairs of
Archelaus, and that not for the better; that oxen, because
that animal takes uneasy pains in its labours, denoted
afflictions, and indeed denoted further a change of affairs,
because the land which was ploughed by oxen could not
remain in its former state: and that the ears of com being
ten marked the same number of years, because an ear of
corn grows in one year; and that the time of Archelaus’
rule was over. Thus did this man expound the dream.
Now, on the fifth day after this dream came first to Arche¬
laus, the other Archelaus, that was sent to Judaea by
Augustus to recall him, arrived also.

§ 4. Something similar befell Glaphyra his wife, who
was the daughter of king Archelaus, and was married, as I
said before, while she was a virgin, to Alexander the son of
Herod, and brother of Archelaus ; but after Alexander was
put to death by his father, she married Juba, the king of
Libya, and when he was dead, and she living in widowhood
in Cappadocia with her father, Archelaus divorced his
former wife Mariamne, and married her, so great was his
affection for this Glaphyra. And she, during her marriage
to him, had the following dream. She thought she saw
Alexander standing by her, at which she rejoiced, and em¬
braced him with great affection, but he complained of her,
and said, “ O Glaphyra ! thou provest that saying to be
true, which assures us that women are not to be trusted.
Didst not thou pledge thy faith to me ? and wast not thou
married to me when thou wast a virgin ? and had we not
children ? Yet hast thou forgotten the affection I bore to
thee, in thy desire for a second husband. Nor wast thou
satisfied with that injury thou didst me, but thou hast
been so bold as to procure thee a third husband to lie by
thee, and in an indecent and impudent manner hast entered
into my house, having married Archelaus, thy husband,
and my brother. However, I will not forget thy former
kind affection for me, but will set thee free from all re¬
proach, and cause thee to be mine again, as thou once
wast.” When she had related this dream to her female
companions, a few days after she departed this life.

§ 5. Now, I do not think these stories unsuitable in my

264

THE WORKS OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XVIII,

present history, because my narrative is now concerning
kings; and besides I thought them fit to be set down, as
they confirm the immortality of the soul, and the providence
of God over human affairs. But if any one does not be¬
lieve such relations, let him indeed enjoy his own opinion,
but let him not hinder another, that would thereby en¬
courage himself in virtue. However Archelaus’ country
was added to the province of Syria; and Cyrenius, who
had been consul, was sent by Augustus to take a valuation
of property in Syria, and to sell the house of Archelaus.

BOOK XVIII.

CONTAINING THE INTERVAL OF THIRTY-TWO YEARS.—FROM
THE BANISHMENT OF ARCHELAUS, TO THE DEPARTURE
OF THE JEWS FROM BABYLON.

CHAP. I.

How Cyrenius was sent by Augustus to take a Valuation of
Syria and Judaea; and how Coponius was sent to be Pro¬
curator of Judoea ; also of Judas of Galilee, and the Sects
that were among the Jews.

§ I-

OW Cyrenius, a Roman senator, and one who had gone

I 'I through other offices, and had passed through all till
he became consul, and one who, on other accounts, was of
great merit, came at this time into Syria with a few others,
being sent by Augustus to be a judge of that nation, and to
take a valuation of their substance. Coponius also, a man
of the equestrian order, was sent with him, to have the
supreme power over the Jews. Cyrenius also came into
Judaea, which was now added to the province of Syria, to
take a valuation of their substance, and to dispose of
Archelaus’ money. But the Jews, although at first they
took the report of a taxation very ill, yet left off any
further opposition to it, at the persuasion of Joazar, who

•CHAP. I.j

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

265

was high priest, and the son of Boethus. For they listened
to Joazar’s words, and gave an account of their estates
without any dispute. But one Judas, 1 a Gaulanite, of a
•city whose name was Gamala, 2 joining himself to Sadduc
,a Pharisee, was eager to draw them to a revolt. Both
said that this taxation was nothing but a direct introduc¬
tion of slavery, and exhorted the nation to assert their
liberty, as if they could procure them happiness and secu¬
rity for what they possessed, and if they failed in the hap¬
piness that would result from this, they would acquire
honour and glory for magnanimity. They also said that
God would not assist them unless they joined with one
another energetically for success, and still further set
about great exploits, and did not grow weary in executing
the same. And the men heard what they said with plea¬
sure, and so this bold attempt proceeded to a great height.
All sorts of misfortunes also sprang from these men, and
the nation was infected by them to an incredible degree :
one violent war came upon us after another, and we lost
our friends who used to alleviate our pains; there were
also very great robberies, and murders of our principal
men, under pretext iudeed of the public welfare, but in
reality from the hopes of private gain. Hence arose se¬
ditions, and owing to them political murders, which some¬
times fell on their own people, (from the madness of these

1 Since St. Luke once, Acts v. 37, and Josephus four times, here,
§ 6, and xx. 5, § 2 ; Jewish War, ii. 8, § 1, and 17, § 8, calls this
Judas, who was the pestilent author of that seditious doctrine and tem¬
per which brought the Jewish nation to utter destruction, a Galilsean.
but here, § 1, Josephus calls him a Gaulanite, of the city of Gamala,
it is a great question where this Judas was born, whether in Galilee
on the west side, or in Gaulanitis, on the east side of the river Jordan ;
while in the place just now cited out of the Antiquities, xx. 5, § 2,
he is not only called a Galiltean, but it is added to his story, ‘ as I
have signified in the books that go before these,’ as if he had called
him a Galilsean in those Antiquities before, as well as in that particular
place, as Dean Aldrich observes, Jewish War, ii. 8, § 1. Nor can one
well imagine why he should here call him a Gaulanite, when in the 6th
sect, following here, as well as twice in Jewish War, he still calls him a
Gahhean. As for the city of Gamala, whence this Judas was derived, it
determines nothing, since there were two of that name, the one in
Gaulanitis, the other in Galilee. See Kcland on the city or town of that
name.—W.

2 Kul'at el-Husn.

266 THE WORKS OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XVIII.

men towards one another, and their desire that none of
their rivals should be left,) and sometimes on their
enemies; a famine also came upon us, and reduced us to
the last degree of despair, as did also the taking and de¬
molishing of cities, nay, faction at last increased so high,
that the very temple of God was burnt down by the
enemies’ fire. So greatly did the alteration and change
from the customs of our fathers tend to bring all to de¬
struction who thus banded together, for Judas and Sadduc,
who introduced a fourth philosophic sect among us, and
had a great many followers therein, filled our state with
tumults at the time, and laid the foundations of future
miseries by their system of philosophy which we were be¬
fore unacquainted with, concerning which I shall discourse
a little, and that the rather, because the infection which
spread thence among our younger men, who were zealous
for it, brought our nation to destruction.

§ 2. The Jews had had for a great while three sects of
philosophy peculiar to themselves, the sect of the Essenes,
and the sect of the Sadducees, and the third sort of opinions
was that of those called Pharisees. And although I have
already spoken of these sects in the second book of the
Jewish War, yet will I touch a little upon them also now.

§ 3. As for the Pharisees, they live simply, and despise
delicacies, and follow the guidance of reason, as to what
it prescribes to them as good, and think they ought
earnestly to strive to observe its dictates. They also pay
respect to such as are in years; nor are they so bold as to
contradict them in anything which they have introduced.
And when they say that all things happen by fate, they do
not take away from men the freedom of acting as they
think fit; since their notion is, that it has pleased God to
mix up the decrees of fate and man’s will, so that man
can act virtuously or viciously. They also believe, that
souls have an immortal power in them, and that there
will be under the earth rewards or punishments, according
as men have lived virtuously or viciously in this life; and
the latter souls are to be detained in an everlasting prison,
but the former will have power to live again. On account
of these doctrines they have very great influence with the
people, and whatever they do about divine worship, or

CHAP. I.]

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

267

prayers, or sacrifices, they perform according to their di¬
rection. Such great testimony do the cities bear them on
account of their constant practice of virtue, both in the
actions of their lives, and in their conversation.

§ 4. But the doctrine of the Saddueees is that souls die
with the bodies; nor do they pretend to regard anything
hut what the law enjoins on them ; for they think it virtue
to dispute with the teachers of the philosophy which they
follow, and their views are received by only a few, but those
are of the highest rank. But they are able to do hardly
anything so to speak, for when they become magistrates, as
they are unwillingly and by force sometimes obliged to do,
they addict themselves to the notions of the Pharisees,
because the people would not otherwise put up with
them.

§ 5. The doctrine of the Essenes is that all things are left
in the hand of God. They teach the immortality of souls,
and think that the rewards of righteousness are to be
earnestly striven for. And when they send what they have
dedicated to God to the temple, they do not offer sacrifices,
because they have more pure lustrations of their own ; on
which account they are excluded from the common court
of the temple, and offer their sacrifices by themselves. But
their course of life is better than that of other men, and
they entirely addict themselves to husbandry. It also de¬
serves our admiration, how much they exceed in justice all
other men that addict themselves to virtue, to such a
degree as has never appeared among any other men, either
Greeks or barbarians, and that not for a short time, but
it has endured for a long while among them. This is
shown by that institution of theirs, which will not suffer
anything to hinder them from having all things in common,
so that a rich man enjoys no more of his wealth than he
who has nothing at all. There are more than four thousand
men who live in this way, and they neither marry wives,
nor are desirous to keep slaves, thinking that the latter
tempts men to be unjust, and that the former gives a
handle to domestic quarrels; but as they live by them¬
selves, they minister to one another. They also appoint
good priests to receive their revenues, and the fruits of the
ground, so as to get their com and food. They live all

268 THE WORKS OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XVIII.

alike, and mostly resemble those Dacae who are called
Polistse. 1

§ 6, But Judas the Galilsean was the author of the
fourth sect of Jewish philosophy. Its pupils agree in all
other things with the Pharisaic notions, but they have an
inviolable attachment to liberty, and say that God is their
only ruler and lord. They also do not mind dying any
kinds of death, nor indeed do they heed the tortures of
their relations and friends, nor can any such fear make
them call any man lord. And since this immovable reso¬
lution of theirs is well known to a great many, I shall
speak no further about that matter; for I am not afraid
that anything I have said of them should be disbelieved,
but rather fear that what I have said comes short of the
resolution they show when they undergo pain. And it was
in Gessius Floras’ time, who was our procurator, that the
nation began to suffer from this madness, for by the abuse
of his authority he made the Jews go wild and revolt from
the Romans. And these are the sects of Jewish philosophy.

CHAP. n.

How Herod and Philip built several Cities in Honour of
Ccesar Augustus. Concerning the Succession of Priests
and Procurators; also concerning Phraates and the
Parthians.

§ !■

"Y^JHEN Cyrenius had now disposed of Archelaus’
' ' money, and when the taxings were come to a con¬
clusion, which were made in the thirty-seventh year after
Augustus’ victory over Antony off Actium, 2 he deprived
Joazar of the high priesthood, which dignity had been con¬
ferred on him by the multitude, and appointed Ananus,
the son of Seth, to be high priest. Now Herod and Philip
had each of them received their own tetrarchy, and settled

1 Founders of cities, that is. Possibly communists might be the best
rendering. But the matter is very obscure.

1 At the entrance of the Gulf of Aria.

CHAP. II.]

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

269

affairs therein. Herod also fortified Sepphoris, 1 (which is
the ornament of all Galilee,) and dedicated it to the em¬
peror. He also built a wall round Betharamptha, 2 which
was itself a city also, and called it Julias, from the name of
the emperor’s wife. 3 Philip also built Paneas, 4 a city at the
springs of the Jordan, and called it Caesarea. He also
advanced the village Bethsaida, 5 situate near the lake of
Gennesar, to the dignity of a city, both from the number
of inhabitants it contained, and its opulence in other
respects, and called it by the name of Julias, from the
name of the emperor’s daughter. 6

§ 2. As Coponius, who I said was sent out with Cyre-
nius, was administrating Judaea, the following event
happened. When the Jews celebrate the feast of Un¬
leavened Bread, which we call the Passover, it is custo¬
mary for the priests to open the temple gates just after
midnight. When, therefore, these gates were first opened
at this Passover, some of the Samaritans who had come
privately to Jerusalem threw about dead men’s bones in
the porticoes; so the Jews afterwards excluded them all
from the temple, which they had not used to do at such
festivals; and on other accounts also watched the temple
more carefully than they had formerly done. Soon after
this event Coponius returned to Rome, and Marcus Am-
bivius came to be his successor in the government; under
whom Salome, the sister of king Herod, died, and left to
Julia Jamnia 1 and all its toparchy, and Phasaelis in the
plain, and Archelais, 8 where is a great plantation of palm-
trees, whose fruit is most excellent. His successor was
Annius Rufus, during whose term of office died Augustus,
the second emperor of the Romans, the duration of whose
reign was fifty-seven years six months and two days, (of
which time Antony ruled with him fourteen years,) and the
duration of his life was seventy-seven years; and on his

1 Sefurieh.

2 The Betb-Haram of Josh. xiii. 27; afterwards called Livias; it is
now Tell Bdmek, east of Jordan, and near the mouth of Wady Hesbun.

3 Julia. 4 Csesarea Philippi, now Banias.

5 Possibly et-Tell, on the left bank of the Jordan, near the Sea of

Galilee.

‘ Julia.

3 See Antiq. xvii. 13, § 1.

7 Yebnah.

270 THE WORKS OP FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XVIII.

death Tiberius Nero, his wife Julia’s son, succeeded. He was
now the third emperor, and he sent Valerius Gratus as pro¬
curator of Judsea, to succeed Annius Rufus. He deprived
Ananus of the high priesthood, and appointed Ishmael, the
son of Phabi, to be high priest. He also deprived him in
a little time, and appointed Eleazar, the son of Ananus
(who had been high priest before) to be high priest; which
office, when he had held it for a year, Gratus deprived him
of, and gave the high priesthood to Simon, the son of
Camithus, and, when he had held that dignity only a
year, Joseph, also called Caiaphas, was made his successor.
When Gratus had done all these things, he returned to
Rome, after he had stayed in Judsea eleven years, and
Pontius Pilate came as his successor.

§ 3. And Herod the tetrarch, who was in great favour
with Tiberius, built a city of the same name as him, and
called it Tiberias. 1 He built it in the best part of Galilee
near the lake of Gennesar. There are warm baths at
no great distance from it, in a village called Emmaus. 2
Strangers came and inhabited this city, a great number of
the inhabitants were Galilaeans also; and many were made
to go there from the country belonging to Herod, and
were by force compelled to be its inhabitants, some of these
being persons of condition. Herod also admitted poor
people, gathered from all parts, to dwell in it. Nay, some
of them were not quite freemen, and these he was a great
benefactor to, and made them free in great numbers; but
obliged them not to forsake the city, by building them
very good houses at his own expense, and by giving them
land also; for he knew that to colonize this place was to
transgress the ancient Jewish laws, because many sepulchres
there had to be taken away to make room for this city of
Tiberias, and our laws pronounce that such inhabitants are
unclean for seven days. 3

§ 4. About this time died Phraates, king of the Parthians,
by the treachery of Phraataces his son, for the following
reason. Though Phraates had legitimate sons of his own,
he had an amour with an Italian maid (whose name was

1 Tubarlya.

2 The Hammath of Josh. xix. 35. Now Hummdm Tubarlya.

. 3 Numb. xix. H-14.—W.

CHAP. II.]

ANTIQUITIES OP THE JEWS.

271

Thermusa, who had been formerly sent to him among other
presents by Julius Caesar), and being a great admirer of her
beauty, and in process of time having a son by her, whose
name was Phraataces, he eventually made her his legitimate
wife, and held her in great honour. Now, though she was
able to persuade him to do any thing that she said, and
strove to procure the throne of Parthia for her son, she
saw that her endeavours would not succeed, unless she
could contrive to remove Phraates’ legitimate sons. So
she urged him to send those sons of his as pledges of his
fidelity to Rome; and they were sent to Rome accordingly,
because it was not easy for him to contradict her com¬
mands. Now, as Phraataces was alone brought up to succeed
to the throne, he thought it very tiresome and tedious to wait
for that throne by his father’s donation as his successor; he
therefore formed a treacherous design against his father,
by his mother’s assistance, with whom (so the report went),
he had also criminal relations. And he was hated for both
these things, as his subjects esteemed this incestuous love
of his mother to be as bad as his parricide; and he was
expelled out of the country by them, in an insurrection,
before he grew too great, and so died. But, as the noblest
of the Parthians agreed that it was impossible they could be
governed without a ting, while it was also their constant
practice to choose one of the descendants of Arsaces (nor
did their law allow of any others, and they thought the
kingdom had been sufficiently injured already by the mar¬
riage with an Italian concubine, and by her issue,) they sent
ambassadors and invited Orodes [to take the crown;] for
though the multitude did not like him, and though he was
accused of very great cruelty, and was of an intractable
temper, and prone to wrath, yet he was one of the descen¬
dants of Arsaces. However, a conspiracy was made
against him, and he was slain, as some say, at a festival
and at table (for it is the universal custom there to carry
swords) ; but the more general report is that he was slain
when he was induced to go a-hunting. They then sent
ambassadors to Rome, and asked for one of those that
were pledges there to be their king. And Vonones was
preferred before the rest, and sent to them, for he seemed
capable of such great fortune, which two of the greatest

272 THE WORKS OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XVIII.

kingdoms under the sun now offered him, his own and a
foreign one. However, the barbarians soon changed their
minds, being naturally of a fickle disposition, and supposing
that he was not worthy to be their king (for they could not
think of obeying the commands of one that had been a slave,
for so they called those that had been hostages, nor could
they bear the ignominy of that name); and this was the
more intolerable, because the Parthians were now to have
a king set over them, not by right of war, but by inso¬
lence in time of peace. So they forthwith invited Arta-
banus, king of Media, to be their king, who was one of the
descendants of Arsaces. Artabanus complied with the
offer that was made him, and came to them with an army.
And Yonones met him, and at first the multitude of the
Parthians stood on his side, and he put his army in battle
array, and Artabanus was beaten, and fled to the moun¬
tains of Media; but a little while after he gathered a
great army together, and fought again with Yonones, and
beat him ; whereupon Vonones fled away on horseback,
with a few of his attendants about him, to Seleucia. 1 * And
when Artabanus had slain a great number in the rout from
the very great dismay the barbarians were in, he betook
himself to Ctesiphon 3 with a great number of his people.
And so he now reigned over the Parthians. But Vonones fled
away to Armenia, and as soon as he got there, he desired to
have the government of that country given him, and sent
ambassadors to Borne about it. But as Tiberius refused
it him, partly because he wanted courage, partly because
of the Parthian king’s threats (who sent ambassadors to
threaten war), and as he had no other way to get the
kingdom (for the people of authority among the Armenians
near Niphates 3 joined themselves to Artabanus), he de¬
livered himself up to Silanus, the president of Syria, who,
out of regard to his education at Borne, kept him in Syria,

1 Near the junction with the Tigris of the great dyke which crossed
Mesopotamia from the Euphrates to the Tigris, and was called the
‘ Royal River.’

‘ On the left bank of the Tigris, in the south part of Assyria. The
ruins are opposite those of Seleucia, about sixteen miles below Baghdad.

3 The mountain country east of Commagene, near the present Persian
frontier.

CHAP. III.]

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

273

and Artabanus gave Armenia to Orodes, one of his own
sons.

§ 5. At this time died Antiochus, the king of Commagene, 1
whereupon the people disputed with the aristocracy, and
both sent ambassadors to Rome, for the men in power were
desirous that their form of government might be changed
into that of a Roman province ; but the people desired to
he under kings, as their fathers had been. And the senate
made a decree, that G-ermanicus should be sent out to settle
affairs in the East, fortune hereby taking opportunity to
deprive him of his life. For when he had gone to the East,
and settled all affairs there, he was taken off by poison by
Piso, as has been related elsewhere.

CHAP. III.

Insurrection of the Jews against Pontius Pilate. Con¬
cerning Christ, and what befell Paulina and the Jews at

Rome.

1 .

OW Pilate, the procurator of Judaea, removed the army

-L > from Caesarea, and put it in winter quarters at Jeru¬
salem, in order to abolish the Jewish laws. And he thought
of introducing into the city the Emperor’s busts, which were
upon the standards, whereas our law forbids us the very
making of images ; on which account former procurators
were wont to make their entry into the city with such
standards as had not such ornaments. Pilate was the first
who brought those images to Jerusalem, and set them up
there; which was done without the knowledge of the
people, because it was done in the night-time. But as
soon as they knew it, they flocked in great numbers to
Csesarea, and besought Pilate many days that he would
remove the images. And when he would not grant their
request, because it would seem an insult to the Emperor,
as they persevered in their request, he ordered his soldiers
on the sixth day to take their weapons privately, and

1 Between Cilicia and the Euphrates; its capital was Samosata, now
Samsdt.

III. T

274 THE WORKS OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XVIII.

himself came and sat upon his judgment-seat, which was
so prepared in the open part of the city, that it concealed
the army that lay in ambush. And when the Jews pe¬
titioned him again, he gave a signal to the soldiers to
surround them, and threatened that their punishment
should be no less than speedy death, unless they left off
disturbing him, and went their ways home. But they
threw themselves upon the ground, and bared their necks,
and said they would welcome death rather than that the
wisdom of their laws should be transgressed. Thereupon
Pilate was astonished at their determination to keep their
laws inviolable, and instantly commanded the images to
be carried back from Jerusalem to Csesarea.

§ 2. Pilate also introduced water into Jerusalem, paying
for the work with the sacred money, and brought the
water a distance of two hundred furlongs. However, the
Jews were not pleased with what was done about this
water; and many myriads of the people assembled to¬
gether and made a clamour against him, and insisted that
he should abandon his intention. Some of them also used
reproaches, and abused Pilate, as crowds love to do. So
he dressed a great number of his soldiers in the Jewish
dress, who carried daggers under their garments, and sent
them to a place where they might surround the Jews, and
then himself bade the Jews go away. But as they began
to abuse him, he gave the soldiers the signal which had
been agreed on beforehand, and they laid about them with
much greater vigour than Pilate had commanded, and
equally punished those that were riotous, and those that
were not. But the Jews abated not a whit their obstinacy,
and as they were unarmed, and roughly handled by men
provided with weapons, a great number of them were slain
by this means, and others of them ran away wounded
Thus an end was put to this insurrection.

§ 3. Now about this time lived Jesus, a wise man, if in¬
deed it be lawful to call him a man. For he was a doer of
wonderful works, a teacher of men who receive the truth
with pleasure ; and drew over to him many of the Jews,
and many of the Gentiles. He was the Christ. And when
Pilate, at the information of the leading men among us,
had condemned him to the cross, those who had loved him

CHAP. III.]

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

275

at first did not cease to do so. For lie appeared to them
alive again the third day, as the divine prophets had fore¬
told this and ten thousand other wonderful things con¬
cerning him. And the tribe of Christians, so named from
him, are not extinct at this day.

§ 4. About the same time, also, another sad calamity
troubled the Jews, and certain shameful practices took place
in the temple of Isis that was at Rome. I shall first re¬
late the wickedness done in the temple of Isis, and will
then give an account of what befell the Jews. There was
at Rome a woman whose name was Paulina, who, on
account of the rank of her ancestors, and because of the
regular conduct of a virtuous life, had a great reputation ;
she was also very rich, and although she was of a beautiful
countenance, and in that flower of her age wherein women
are the most gay, she led a life of great modesty. She
was married to Saturninus, who well assorted in every
way to her from his excellent character. Decius Mundus,
a man very high in the equestrian order, fell in love with
Paulina, and as she was of too great rank to be caught
by presents, and had already rejected them, though they
had been sent her in great abundance, he was still more
inflamed with love for her, insomuch that he promised to
give her two hundred thousand Attic drachmae for one
enjoyment of her. And as not even this would prevail
upon her, and he was not able to bear this ill success in
his amours, he thought it the best way to starve himself
to death, on account of his trouble at Paulina’s refusal.
And he determined to die in this manner, and went on
with his purpose accordingly. Now, Mundus had a freed-
woman, who had been made free by his father, whose name
was Ide, a woman up to all sorts of mischief. She was
very much grieved at the young man’s resolution to kill
himself (for he did not conceal his intention to destroy
himself), and went to him, and encouraged him by her
words, and made him hope that he might yet enjoy
Paulina. And when he joyfully listened to her entreaty,
she said she wanted no more than fifty thousand drachmae
to entrap Paulina. Now when she had encouraged in this
way the young man, and got as much money as she asked
for, she did not take the same methods as had been taken

276 THE WORKS OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XVIII.

before, because she perceived that tbe lady was by no
means to be tempted by money; but knowing that she was
very much given to the worship of the goddess Isis, she
devised the following stratagem. She went to some of Isis’
priests, and told them the passion of the young man, and
with the strongest promises of concealment urged them
by words, but chiefly by the offer of money, twenty-five
thousand drachmae in hand, and as much more when the
thing had been done, to use all possible means to seduce
the woman. And they were induced to promise to do so
by the large sum of gold they were to have. So the
oldest of them went immediately to Paulina, and upon
his being admitted desired to speak with her by herself.
When that was granted him, he told her that he was sent
by the god Anubis, who had fallen in love with her, and
bade her visit him. And she took the message very
kindly, and boasted to her lady friends of this condescension
of Anubis, and told her husband, that she had a message
sent her, and was to sup and sleep with Anubis. And he
agreed to her acceptance of the offer, being fully satisfied
of the chastity of his wife. Accordingly, she went to the
temple, and after she had supped there, and it was the
hour to go to sleep, the priest shut the doors of the temple,
when the lights were also put out in the inner sanctuary.
Then did Mundus leap out, (for he was hidden there,)
and did not fail to enjoy her, and she was at his service all
the night long, supposing he was the god ; and when he had
gone away, which was before the priests who knew not of
this stratagem were stirring, Paulina went home early in the
morning to her husband, and told him how the god Anubis
had appeared to her, and also boasted about the matter to
her lady friends. And they partly disbelieved the thing
when they reflected on its nature, and partly were amazed
at it, but had no pretext for not believing it, when they
considered her modesty and merit. But on the third day
after what had been done, Mundus met Paulina, and said,
“Truly, Paulina, thou hast saved me two hundred thousand
drachmae, which sum thou mightest have given thine
own family; yet hast thou not failed to be at my service
in what I asked of thee. As for the reproaches thou hast
heaped upon Mundus, I care not about names; but I rejoice

CHAP. III.] ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 277

in the pleasure I reaped by what I did, when I took to
myself the name of Anubis.” When he had said this, he
went his way, but she rent her garments, now first know¬
ing what she had done, and told her husband of this
wicked and black contrivance, and prayed him not to
neglect to assist her. And he discovered the matter to the
emperor; whereupon Tiberius inquired into it thoroughly,
examining the priests about it, and ordering them to be
crucified, as well as Ide, who was the cause of their ruin,
and had contrived the whole matter, which was so injurious
to Paulina. He also demolished the temple of Isis, and
gave orders that her statue should be thrown into the
river Tiber. But he only banished Mundus, and did no
more to him, because he supposed that the crime he had
committed was done from the violence of his love. These
were the circumstances as to the temple of Isis, and the
outrage done by her priests. I now return to the relation
of what happened about this time to the Jews at Borne, as
I said before I should.

§ 5. There was a man who was a Jew, but had been
driven away from his own country by an accusation of
transgressing the laws, and by the fear he was in of punish¬
ment for the same, but he was in all respects a wicked
man. He, then living at Borne, professed to instruct men
in the wisdom of the laws of Moses, and also got three
other men, entirely of the same character as him¬
self, to be his partners. These men persuaded Fulvia, a
woman of great rank, who had become a disciple of theirs,
and embraced the Jewish religion, to send purple and gold to
the temple at Jerusalem, and, when they had got these,
they employed them to their own use, and spent the money
themselves, which was the very reason why they had first
asked it of her. Whereupon Tiberius (who had been in¬
formed of the thing by his friend Saturninus, the husband
of Fulvia, who desired inquiry might be made about it)
ordered all the Jews to be banished from Borne. And
the consuls enlisted four thousand of them, and sent them
to the island of Sardinia ; 1 but punished very many, who
were unwilling to become soldiers, because of their respect

1 Of the banishment of these 4,000 Jews into Sardinia by Tiberius,
see Suetonius, Tiber. § 36.—W.

278

THE WORKS OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XVIII.

for the laws of their forefathers. Thus were these Jews
banished from Rome owing to the wickedness of four
men.

CHAP. IY.

How the Samaritans made a Tumult, and how Pilate slew
many of them : also how Pilate was accused, and what was
done by Vitellius as regarded the Jews and the Parthians,

§ I-

B UT the nation of the Samaritans did not escape without
tumult. The man who excited them to it was one
who thought lying a thing of little consequence, and who
contrived everything to please the multitude. So he
bade them assemble together upon Mount Gerizim, which
is by them looked upon as the most holy of all moun¬
tains, and assured them, that when they came there, he
would show them the sacred vessels that were buried there,
because Moses had them put there. And they went there
armed, and thought the statement of the man probable;
and as they encamped at a certain village, which was called
Tirathana, 1 they got together as many as they could, de¬
siring to go up the mountain en masse. But Pilate pre¬
vented them by occupying the ascent with a band of horse
and foot, who attacked those who were concentrated in the
village ; and when it came to an action, they slew some,
and put others to flight, and took a great many alive,
the leaders of whom, and also the most influential of those
that fled away, Pilate ordered to be put to death.

§ 2. But when this tumult was appeased, the Samaritan
senate sent an embassy to Vitellius, a man that had been
consul, and was now president of Syria, and accused Pilate
of the murder of those that had been killed, for they said
they had gone to Tirathana not to revolt from the Romans,
but to escape the violence of Pilate. And Vitellius sent
Marcellus, a friend of his, to see to the affairs of Judaea,
and ordered Pilate to go to Rome, to answer the accusa-

1 Not identified.

CHAP. IV.]

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

279

tions of the Jews before the emperor. And Pilate, who
had spent ten years in Judsea, hasted to Rome in obedience
to the orders of Vitellius, which he durst not contradict.
But before he got to Rome, Tiberius was dead.

§ 3. But Vitellius came into Judsea, and went up to
Jerusalem ; it was at the time of that festival which is called
the Passover. And as he was magnificently received there,
Vitellius released the inhabitants of Jerusalem from all
the taxes upon the fruits that were bought and sold, and
allowed the high priest’s vestments, with all their orna¬
ments, to be under the charge of the priests in the temple,
as they had been in old times, although at this time they
were laid up in the fortress called Antonia, 1 and that for the
following reason. One of the high priests called Hyrcanus,
the first of many of that name, built a tower near the
temple, and when he had so done, he generally dwelt in it,
and kept these vestments (which were in his charge) there,
because it was lawful for him alone to put them on, and he
deposited them there when he went down into the city, and
took his ordinary garments; and the same practice was con¬
tinued by his sons, and by their sons after them. But when
Herod came to be king, he rebuilt this tower, which was
very conveniently situated, in a magnificent manner; and
because he was a friend of Antony, he called it by the name
of Antonia. And as he found these vestments lying there,
he retained them in the same place, believing that the people
would not rise against him because he had them in his
custody. The same as Herod did was done by his son
Archelaus, who was appointed king after him; after
whom the Romans, when they took over the government,
took possession of these vestments of the high priest, and
had them deposited in a stone chamber, under seal of the
priests and keepers of the treasury, the commandant of the
fortress lighting a lamp there every day. And seven days
before a festival they were delivered to them by the com¬
mandant of the fortress, when the high priest having
purified them, and used them, laid them up again in the
same chamber where they had been laid up before the very
day after the feast was over. This was the practice at the

1 On the north side of the Temple,

280 THE WORKS OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XVIII.

three yearly festivals, and on the fast day. 1 But Yitellius
put these vestments into our own power, as in the days of
our forefathers, and ordered the commandant of the
fortress not to trouble himself to inquire where they were
laid, or when they were to he used; and this he did as an
act of kindness, to oblige the nation to him. He also de¬
prived Joseph, who was also called Caiaphas, of the high
priesthood, and appointed Jonathan (the son of Ananus,
the former high priest,) to succeed him. After this he
returned to Antioch.

§ 4. And Tiberius sent a letter to Yitellius, and com¬
manded him to negotiate a friendship with Artabanus,
the king of Parthia; for he was his enemy, and terrified
him, as he had seized Armenia, lest he should proceed
further, and Tiberius said he should only trust him
upon Artabanus giving him hostages, and especially his
son. Upon Tiberius’ writing thus to Yitellius, by the offer
of great presents of money, he persuaded both the king of
Iberia, 2 and the king of Albania, 3 to make no delay, but to
fight against Artabanus; and although they would not
do so themselves, yet they gave the Scythians a passage
through their country, and opened the Caspian gates 4 to
them, and brought them upon Artabanus. So Armenia
was again taken from the Parthians, and the country of
Parthia was filled with war, and their leading men were
slain, and all things were in disorder among them: the
king’s son also himself fell in these wars, together with
many ten thousands of his army. Vitellius had also sent
such great sums of money to the kinsmen and friends of his
father Artabanus, that he had almost got him slain by
those who had taken the bribes. And when Artabanus

1 This mention of the high priest’s sacred garments received seven
days before a festival, and purified in those days against a festival, as
having been polluted by being in the custody of heathens, in Josephus,
agrees well with the traditions of the Talmudists, as Eeland here
observes. Nor is there any question but the three feasts here mentioned
were the Passover, Pentecost, and Peast of Tabernacles ; and the Fast,
so called by way of distinction, as Acts xxvii. 9, was the great day of
expiation.—W.

2 Iberia corresponds very nearly with the modern Georgia.

3 On the S.W. shore of the Caspian, and embracing a portion of the
Caucasus.

4 The Pass oj Derbend.

CHAP. IV.]

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

281

perceived that the plot laid against him was not to he
avoided, because it was laid by many persons and by the
leading men, so that it would certainly take effect, and
compared the number of those who were truly faithful
to him with those that were already corrupted, and deceit¬
ful in the kindness they professed to him, and were
likely, if any attempt were made upon him, to go over
to his enemies, he made his escape to the upper satrapies.
And he afterwards raised a great army out of the Dahae
and Sacae, and fought with his enemies, and recovered his
throne.

§ 5. When Tiberius heard of these things, he desired to
have friendship negotiated between himself and Artabanus.
And when, upon this invitation, Artabanus received the
proposal kindly, he and Vitellius met at the Euphrates, and
as a bridge was laid over the river, they each of them,
attended by their guards, had an interview with one another
in the middle of the bridge. And when they had agreed
upon the terms of peace, Herod the tetrarch erected a rich
tent in the middle of the passage, and feasted them there.
Artabanus also, not long afterwards, sent his son Darius to
Tiberius as a hostage, with many presents, among which
was a man seven cubits in height, a Jew by race, whose
name was Eleazar, and who for his height was called
Giant. After this Vitellius went to Antioch, and Artabanus
to Babylonia. And Herod, wishing to give Tiberius the
first information that they had obtained hostages, sent
letter-carriers, and accurately described all the particulars,
and left nothing for the consular Vitellius to inform him
of. So when Vitellius’ letters were sent, and Tiberius let
him know that he was acquainted with the affair already,
because Herod had given him an account of them before,
Vitellius was very much vexed at it; and supposing that
he had been thereby more injured than was really the case,
he nourished a secret anger for it, till he could be revenged
on Herod, which was after Caius had succeeded to the
empire.

§ 6. About this time Philip, Herod’s brother, departed
this life, in the twentieth year of the reign of Tiberius, 1

1 This calculation is exactly right: for since Herod died about Sep-

2S2

THE WORKS OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XVIII.

after he had been tetrarch of Traehonitis, and G-aulanitis,
and Bataneea also, thirty-seven years. He had shown him¬
self a person of moderation and quietness in his rule. He
always lived in the country which was subject to him, and
used to make his progresses with a few chosen friends ; his
tribunal also, on which he sat in judgment, followed him
in his progresses, and when any one met him who wanted
his assistance, he made no delay, but had his tribunal set
down immediately, wherever he happened to be, and sat
down upon it, and heard the case; and ordered the guilty
that were convicted to be punished, and absolved those that
were accused unjustly. He died at Julias, 1 and when he
was carried to the tomb which he had already had erected
for himself beforehand, he was buried with great pomp.
Tiberius took his dominions, for he left no sons behind
him, and added them to the province of Syria, but gave
orders that the tribute collected in his tetrarchy should be
kept in it.

CHAP. V.

Herod the Tetrarch makes War icith Aretas, the King of
Arabia, and is beaten by him ; also concerning the Death
of John the Baptist; and how Vitellius went up to Jeru¬
salem ; together with some Account of Agrippa, and of the
Posterity of Herod the Great.

§ 1 -

BOUT this time Aretas, the king of Arabia Petrsea, and

Herod, had a quarrel on the following account. Herod
the tetrarch had married the daughter of Aretas, and had
lived with her a long time. But on his journey to Rome,
he lodged with Herod, who was his brother indeed, but

tember, in the fourth year before the Christian era, and Tiberius began,
it is well known, August 19, a.d. 14, it is evident that the thirty-seventh
year of Philip, reckoned from his father’s death, was the twentieth of
Tiberius, or near the end of jl.d. 33 (the very year of our Saviour’s
death also), or, however, in the beginning of the neit year, a.d. 34.
This Philip seems to have been the best of all the posterity of Herod,
for his love of peace and love of justice.—W.

1 Bethsaida. Julias. See p. 269, note 5.

CHAP. V.]

ANTIQUITIES OP THE JEWS.

283

not by the same mother; for this Herod 1 was the son of
the high priest Simon’s daughter. And he fell in love with
Herodias, this last Herod’s wife, (who was the daughter of
Aristobulus their brother, and the sister of Agrippa the
Great,) and ventured to talk to her of marriage. And as
she agreed to his proposal, it was arranged that she should
change her habitation, and come to him as soon as he
should return from Rome: it was also stipulated that he
should divorce Aretas’ daughter. When he had made this
agreement, he sailed to Rome; and when he had done
there the business he went about, and returned home
again, his wife having heard of the agreement he had
made with Herodias, and having learned of it before her
husband was aware of her knowledge of his whole design,
she desired him to send her to Machserus, 2 a fortress on
the borders of the dominions of Aretas and Herod, with¬
out informing him of any of her intentions. Accordingly
Herod sent her there, not thinking his wife had any
inkling of his arrangement with Herodias. Now she had
sent various things a good while before to Machserus,
which was at that time subject to her father, and so all
necessary preparations for her journey were made by the
general of Aretas’ army; and so she soon started and
reached Arabia, passed on by one general to another, and
soon got to her father, and told him of Herod’s intentions.
And Aretas made this a casus belli, having previously had
some difference with Herod about their frontiers in the
district of Gamalitis. 3 So they raised armies on both
sides, and prepared for war, and sent their generals to
fight instead of themselves; and, when they joined battle,
all Herod’s army was destroyed by the treason of some
fugitives, who, as they were of the tetrarchy of Philip,
served under Herod. And Herod wrote about this to Ti¬
berius, who, being very angry at the aggression of Aretas,
wrote to Yitellius to make war upon him, and either to

1 This Herod seems to have had the additional name of Philip, as
Antipas was called Herod Antipas, and as Antipas and Antipater seem
to be in a manner the very same name, yet were the names of two sons
of Herod the Great; so might Philip the tetrarch and this Herod Philip
be two different sons of the same father. —W.

2 Mekaur, east of the Dead Sea.

3 The district of Gamala, now KuTat el-Husn.

284 the vroBKS op flavius josephus. [book xviii.

take him alive, and bring him to him in bonds, or to kill
him, and send him his head. This was the charge that
Tiberius gave the president of Syria.

§ 2. Now some of the Jews thought that the destruction
of Herod’s army came from God, and that very justly, as
a punishment for what he did against John, who was called
the Baptist. Bor Herod had had him put to death, though
he was a good man, and commanded the Jews to exercise
virtue, both as to justice towards one another, and piety to¬
wards God, and so to come to baptism ; for baptism would
be acceptable to God, if they made use of it, not in order to
expiate some sins, but for the purification of the body, pro¬
vided that the soul was thoroughly purified beforehand by
righteousness. Now, as many flocked to him, for they
were greatly moved by hearing his words, Herod, fearing
that the great influence John had over the people might
lead to some rebellion, (for the people seemed likely to do
any thing he should advise,) thought it far best, by put¬
ting him to death, to prevent any mischief he might cause,
and not bring himself into difficulties, by sparing a man
who might make him repent of his leniency when it should
be too late. Accordingly, he was sent a prisoner, in con¬
sequence of Herod’s suspicious temper, to Machserus, the
fortress I before mentioned, and was there put to death.
So the Jews had an opinion that the destruction of this
army was sent as a punishment upon Herod, and was a
mark of God’s displeasure at him.

§ 3. Now Vitellius prepared to make war upon Aretas,
having with him two legions of armed men: he also took
with him all the light-armed troops and cavalry with
them, which were drawn from those kingdoms which were
under the Romans, and pushed on for Petra, 1 and arrived
at Ptolemais. And when he was going to lead his army
through Judaea, the principal men met him, and desired
that he would not march through their land ; for the laws
of their country would not permit them to overlook images
being brought into it, of which there were a great many
on their standards. And he listened to what they said,
and changed the resolution which he had before taken in

1 The present Petra, east of the ’Arabah.

CHAP. V.] ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 285

the matter, and ordered the army to march along the
great plain, while he himself with Herod the tetrarch and
his friends went np to Jerusalem to offer sacrifice to God,
as an ancient festival of the Jews was then at hand.
And when he arrived there, and was honourably received
by the people of the Jews, he stayed there for three days,
during which time he deprived Jonathan of the high
priesthood, and gave it to his brother Theophilus; but
on the fourth day, when letters came to him informing
him of the death of Tiberius, he obliged the people to take
an oath of fidelity to Caius; he also recalled his army, and
made them every one go home to their winter quarters,
because, as the empire had devolved upon Caius, he had
not the same authority for making this war as he had
before. It was also reported, that when Aretas heard of
the coming of Yitellius to fight him, he said, upon his
consulting the auguries, that it was impossible that this
army of Vitellius’ should enter Petra; for one of the
rulers would die, either he that gave orders for the war,
or he that was marching at the other’s desire to carry out
his will, or else he against whom this army was prepared.
And Yitellius retired to Antioch. Now Agrippa, the son of
Aristobulus, had gone to Rome a year before the death of
Tiberius, in order to treat of some affairs with the
emperor, if he might be permitted to do so. I have now
a mind to describe at some length Herod and his family,
and how it fared with them, partly because it concerns
this history to speak of the matter, and partly because
Herod’s family history is a signal proof that a great num¬
ber of children is of no advantage, any more than any
other strength that mankind set their hearts upon, apart
from piety towards God: for it happened, within a hun¬
dred years, that the posterity of Herod, who were very
numerous, with but few exceptions completely died out. 1
One may well apply this for the instruction of mankind, to

1 Whether this sudden extinction of almost the entire lineage of
Herod the Great, which was very numerous, as we are both here and in
the next section informed, was not in part as a punishment for the gross
incests they were frequently guilty of, in marrying their own nephews
and nieces, well deserves to be considered. See Levit. xviii. 6, 7; xxi.
10.-W.

286 THE WORKS OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XVIII.

learn thence how unhappy they were; it will also be well
to relate the history of Agrippa, who, as he was a person
most worthy of admiration, so was he from a private man,
beyond the expectation of all that knew him, advanced to
great power and authority. I have said something of
them formerly, but I shall now speak more in detail.

§ 4. Herod the Great had two daughters by Mariamne,
the daughter of Hyrcanus ; one was Salampsio, who mar¬
ried Phasaelus her cousin, who was himself the son of
Herod’s brother Phasaelus, her father making the match;
the other was Cypros, who herself married her cousin
Antipater, the son of Herod’s sister Salome. Phasaelus
had three sons by Salampsio, Antipater, Herod, and
Alexander, and two daughters, Alexandra and Cypros.
Agrippa, the son of Aristobulus, married this Cypros, and
Timius of Cyprus married Alexandra; he was a man of
note, but had by her no children. Agrippa had by Cypros
two sons and three daughters ; the daughters were called
Berenice, Mariamne, and Drusilla; and the names of the
sons were Agrippa and Drusus, of whom Drusus died
before he came to the years of puberty. And their father,
Agrippa, was brought up with his other brothers Herod
and Aristobulus, who were also the sons of Aristobulus the
son of Herod the Great by Berenice; this Berenice was
the daughter of Costobarus and of Herod’s sister Salome.
Aristobulus left these infants, when he and his brother
Alexander were put to death by their father, as Ihave already
related. But when they arrived at years of puberty, this
Herod, the brother of Agrippa, married Mariamne, the
daughter of Olympias (who was the daughter of Herod the
king), and of Joseph (the son of Joseph, who was brother
to Herod the king), and had by her a son, Aristobulus.
And Aristobulus, the third brother of Agrippa, married
Jotape, the daughter of Sampsigeramus, king of Emesa; 1
they had a daughter who was deaf, whose name also was
Jotape. These so far are the children of the male line.
And Herodias, their sister, was married to Herod [Philip],
the son of Herod the Great by Mariamne the daughter
of Simeon the high priest, and they had a daughter

1 Now Kcms.

CHAP. V.] ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 287

Salome ; after her birth Herodias took upon her to con¬
found the laws of our country, and divorced herself
from her husband while he was alive, and married
Herod [Antipas], (her husband’s brother on the father’s
side,) who was tetrarch of Galilee. And her daughter
Salome married Philip (the son of Herod), tetrarch of
Trachonitis. And, as he died childless, Aristobulus (the
son of Herod, the brother of Agrippa) married her; they
had three sons, Herod, Agrippa, and Aristobulus. This
■was the posterity of Phasaelus and Salampsio. And the
daughter of Antipater by Cypros was Cypros, who married
Alexas Helcias, the son of Alexas, and they had a daughter
Cypros; but Herod and Alexander, who, as I said, were the
brothers of Antipater, died childless. As to Alexander, the
son of Herod the king, who was put to death by his father, he
had two sons, Alexander and Tigranes, by the daughter of
Archelaus the king of Cappadocia; Tigranes, who was king
of Armenia, was accused at Home, and died childless;
but Alexander had a son of the same name as his brother
Tigranes, who was sent out as king of Armenia by Nero ;
and he had a son, Alexander, who married Jotape, the
daughter of Antiochus, the king of Commagene ; l Vespa¬
sian made him king of an island 2 in Cilicia. But these
descendants of Alexander, soon after their birth, deserted
the Jewish religion, and went over to that of the Greeks.
And the rest of the daughters of Herod the king all died
childless. And as the descendants of Herod, whom I have
enumerated, were in existence when Agrippa the Great got
the kingdom, and I have now given an account of their
pedigree, it now remains that I relate the various vicissi¬
tudes that befell Agrippa, and how he lived through
them, and was advanced to the greatest height of dignity
and power.

1 See Antiq. xviii. 2, § 5.

2 Probably the island of Ekeusa, near the river Lumas.

288

THE WORKS OP FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XVIII.

CHAP. VI.

How Agrippa sailed for Rome to Tiberius ; and how, upon
his being accused by his own freedman, he was put in
prison; and how he was set at liberty by Caius, after
Tiberius’ death, and was made King of the Tetrarchy of

Philip.

§ 1 -

LITTLE before the death of Herod the king, Agrippa

living at Rome, and being brought up with and very
intimate with Drusus, the emperor Tiberius’ son, also con¬
tracted a friendship with Antonia (the wife of the elder
Drusus), who held his mother Berenice in great esteem,
and was very desirous of advancing her son. Now though
Agrippa was by nature magnanimous and very generous in
respect to giving, he did not manifest this inclination of
his mind while his mother was alive, thinking it best to
avoid her anger for such extravagance; but when Berenice
was dead, and he was his own master, he spent a great
deal extravagantly in his daily course of living, and a great
deal in the immoderate presents he made, and those chiefly
to the emperor’s freedmen, hoping for their support, so that
in a little time he was reduced to poverty, and could not live
at Rome any longer. Tiberius also forbade the friends of
his deceased son to come into his sight, because on seeing
them he should be put in mind of his son, and his grief
would be thereby revived.

§ 2. For these reasons he went away from Rome, and
set sail for Judaea, but in evil circumstances, being dejected
by the loss of the money which he once had, and because
he had not wherewithal to pay his creditors, who were
many in number, and gave him no chance of avoiding
them; so that he knew not what to do, and in shame at
the state of his affairs, retired to a certain tower at Mala-
tha 1 in Idumsea, and had thoughts of killing himself.
But his wife Cypros perceived his intention, and tried all
sorts of methods to divert him from taking such a course.

Apparently Tell el-Milk, thirteen miles east of Beersheba.

CHAP. VI.]

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

289

So she sent a letter to his sister Herodias, who was now
the wife of Herod the tetrarch, and let her know Agrippa’s
present design, and the necessities that drove him to it,
and desired her, as a kinswoman of his, to help him and
to engage her husband to do the same, as Herodias could
see how she (Cypros) alleviated her husband’s troubles
all she could, although she had not the means they had.
And they sent for him, and allotted him Tiberias for
his habitation, and assigned him some money for his
maintenance, and made him a magistrate of that city, by
way of honouring him. However, Herod did not long
continue in the resolution of supporting him, though even
that support was not sufficient for him. For as they were
once at a feast at Tyre, and in their cups abused one
another, Agrippa thought it was not to be borne, that
Herod threw in his teeth his poverty, and his owing his
necessary food to him. So he went to Flaccus, who had
been consul, and a very great friend to him at Eome
formerly, and was now president of Syria.

§ 3. And Flaccus received him kindly, and he lived
with him. Flaccus had also with him there Aristobulus,
who was Agrippa’s brother, but was at variance with
him; yet did not their enmity to one another hinder the
friendship of Flaccus to them both, but they both re¬
ceived equal honour from him. However, Aristobulus did
not abate his ill-will to Agrippa, till at length he got
him to be on bad terms with Flaccus, bringing on the
estrangement as follows. The Damascenes had a difference
with the Sidonians about their frontiers, and when Flaccus
was about to hear the case pleaded, on hearing that Agrippa
had great influence with him, they begged that he would be
on their side, and promised him a great deal of money. So
he was zealous in assisting the Damascenes as far as he was
able; but Aristobulus (who had got intelligence of this pro¬
mise of money) accused him to Flaccus. And when, upon a
thorough examination of the matter, it appeared plainly
to be so, Flaccus discontinued his friendship to Agrippa.
So he was reduced to the utmost straits, and went to
Ptolemais,' and because he knew not where else to get

in.

1 ’Akka.
U

290 THE WORKS OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XVIII.

a livelihood, he thought of sailing to Italy. But as he
was prevented from doing so by want of money, he de¬
sired Marsyas, who was his freedman, to find some method
of procuring him as much money as he wanted for that
purpose, by borrowing it of some person or other. So Mar¬
syas desired Peter, who was the freedman of Agrippa’s
mother Berenice, but by virtue of her testament belonged
to Antonia, to lend Agrippa money upon his own bond
and security; but he accused Agrippa of having defrauded
him of certain sums of money, and so obliged Marsyas,
when he made the bond for 20,000 Attic drachmae, to
accept 2,500 drachmae less than that sum. This the
other allowed because he could not help it. Upon the
receipt of this money, Agrippa went to Anthedon, 1 and
took shipping, and was going to set sail; but Herennius
Capito, who was the procurator of Jamnia, 2 sent a band of
soldiers to demand of him 300,000 drachmae of silver,
which were owing by him to the emperor’s treasury at Rome,
and tried to force him to stay. He pretended at the time
that he would do as he was told, but when night came
on, he cut cables, and went off, and sailed to Alexandria,
where he desired Alexander the Alabarch to lend him
200,000 drachmas; but he said he would not lend it
him, but did not refuse it to Cypros, as he greatly admired
her affection to her husband, and all her other virtue;
and she undertook to repay it. And Alexander gave
them five talents at Alexandria, and promised to pay them
the rest of the sum at Dicsearchia, 3 and this he did from
the fear he was in that Agrippa would soon spend it. And
Cypros, having thus set her husband free to sail on to
Italy, returned to Judeea with her children.

§ 4. And when Agrippa reached Puteoli, he wrote a
letter to Tiberius Ceesar, who then lived at Capre®, 4 and
told him that he was come so far to wait on him and
pay him a visit, and asked that he would give him leave to
come over to Capre®. And Tiberius made no difficulty,
but wrote to him in an obliging way in other respects, and
also told him he was glad of his safe return, and desired
him to come to Capre®; and when he was come he did not

1 Agrippias. See Antiq. xiii. 13, § 3. 3 Yebnah.

3 Puteoli, Pozzuoli. ‘ The island of Capri.

CHAP. VI.]

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

291

fail to welcome him and treat him as kindly as he had
promised him in his letter to do. But the next day came
a letter to the emperor from Herennius Capito, informing
him, that Agrippa had borrowed 300,000 drachmae, and not
paid it at the time appointed; but, when it was demanded
of him, had run away like a fugitive from the places in
his jurisdiction, and had put it out of his power to get the
money from him. When Tiberius had read this letter he was
much vexed at it, and gave orders that Agrippa should be ex¬
cluded from his presence until he had paid the debt. But he,
being no way dismayed at the emperor’s anger, entreated
Antonia, the mother of G-ermanicus, and also of Claudius, who
was afterwards emperor himself, to lend him those 300,000
drachmae, that he might not lose Tiberius’ friendship. And
she, out of regard to the memory of Berenice his mother
(for these two women had been very intimate with one an¬
other), and out of regard to his having been brought up
with Claudius, lent him the money, and, upon the payment
of his debt, his friendship with Tiberius continued as be¬
fore. After this, Tiberius Caesar recommended to him his
grandson, 1 and ordered that he should always accompany
him when he went out. But Agrippa, after the kind treat¬
ment of Antonia, paid great court to Caius, who was her
grandson, and was held in very high honour because of the
popularity of his father. 1 Now there was one Thallus, a
freedman of Tiberius, a Samaritan by race, of whom Agrippa
borrowed a million drachmae, and so repaid Antonia the
debt he owed her, and by spending the overplus in paying
his court to Caius, he became a person of great influence
with him.

§ 5. Now as the friendship which Agrippa had with
Caius rose to a great height, they once had a conversation
about Tiberius, as they were in a chariot together, Agrippa
praying (for they two sat by themselves) that Tiberius
might soon go off the stage, and leave the empire to Caius,
who was in every respect more worthy of it. Now Euty-
ehus, who was Agrippa’s freedman, and drove his chariot,
heard these words, and at the time said nothing about
them: but when Agrippa accused him of stealing some

1 Tiberius junior,—W.

* Germanicus.—W.

292 THE WORKS OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XVIII^

garments of his (which he really did steal) he ran away
from him ; and when he was captured and brought before
Piso, who was governor of the city, and asked why he ran
away ? he replied, that he had something private to say to
Tiberius, that regarded his security and safety: so Piso
sent him in bonds to Capreae. And Tiberius, according
to his usual custom, kept him in bonds, being a procras¬
tinator, if ever king or tyrant was so; for he did not
receive ambassadors quickly, and no successors were de¬
spatched to governors or procurators of provinces that
had been formerly sent, unless they were dead. This made
him also negligent in hearing prisoners. And when he was
once asked by his friends, what was the reason of his delay
in such cases? he said, that he delayed to hear ambas¬
sadors, lest, upon their quick dismissal, other ambassadors
should be appointed, and return to him ; and so he should
bring trouble upon himself by their receptions and dis¬
missals. He said also that he permitted those governors
who had been once sent to their governments to stay there
a long time from regard to the subjects that were under
them ; for all governors were naturally disposed to get as
much as they could, and those who were not to remain
there, but to stay a short time only, and that in uncertainty
when they would be turned out, were all the more tempted to
fleece the people. Whereas, if their government was long
continued to them, they were at last satiated with their spoil,
as having got a great deal, and so became less keen in their
pillaging; but if a rapid succession of governors took place,
the poor subjects, who were exposed to them as a prey, would
not be able to bear the new ones, for they would not have the
same time allowed them, as their predecessors had filled
themselves in, and so grown indifferent to getting more,
because they would be recalled too soon for making a rich
harvest otherwise. He gave them an illustration to show his
meaning. A great number of flies swarmed about the sore
places of a man that had been wounded; upon which one
of the bystanders pitied the man’s misfortune, and think¬
ing he was not able to drive those flies away himself, was
going to drive them away for him. But he prayed him to
let them alone, and when the other asked him in rejoinder
the reason of such indiscretion in not getting relief from

CHAP. VI.J

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

293

his present misery, he replied, “ If thou drivest these
flies away, thou wilt hurt me worse. For as these are
already full of my blood, they do not crowd about me, nor
pain me so much as before, but are somewhat more remiss,
while fresh ones that came almost famished, and found me
quite tired out already, would be my destruction.” Tibe¬
rius said this was why he was himself careful not to send
new governors perpetually to his subjects (who were already
sufficiently harassed by many oppressions), who, like these
flies, would further distress them, and, besides their natural
desire of gain, would have this additional incitement to
it, that they expected to be soon deprived of the pleasure
which they derived from it. And, as a further attestation
to what I say of the character of Tiberius, I appeal to his
practice itself; for, although he was emperor twenty-two
years, he sent in all only two procurators to govern the
nation of the Jews, namely Gratus, and his successor in the
government, Pilate. Nor had he one way of acting with
respect to the Jews, and another with respect to the rest of
his subjects. He also gave out that he made such delay in
hearing prisoners, because immediate death to those that
were condemned to die would be an alleviation of their
present miseries, whereas those wicked wretches did not
deserve any such favour ; but their being harassed by the
anticipation of calamity would make them undergo greater
misery.

§ 6. This was why Eutychus could not obtain a hearing,
but was kept still in bonds. However, some time after¬
wards, Tiberius went from Capreae 1 to Tusculanum, 2 which
is about a hundred furlongs from Rome, and Agrippa
asked Antonia to procure a hearing for Eutychus, let the
matter whereof he accused him prove what it would. Now
Antonia was greatly esteemed by Tiberius on all accounts,
notonlyfrom herconnexion with him (for she was his brother
Drusus’ wife), but also from her eminent chastity; for though
she was still a young wo man, she continued in her widowhood,
and refused all other matches, although Augustus had en¬
joined her to marry somebody, and all her life long preserved
her reputation free from reproach. She had also been privately

1 The island of Capri,

* The villa of Tiberius at Tusculum.

294 THE WORKS OP FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XVIII.

the greatest benefactress to Tiberius when there was a very
dangerous plot laid against him by Sejanus, a man who
had been her husband’s friend, and who had the greatest
power at that time because he was in command of the
army, and when many members of the senate, and many of
the freed men joined with him, and the soldiers were tampered
with, and the plot became very formidable, and Sejanus
would certainly have gained his point, had not Antonia’s
boldness been more wisely conducted than Sejanus’ villainy.
For when she had discovered his designs against Tiberius,
she wrote him an exact account of the whole, and gave the
letter to Pallas, the most faithful of her slaves, and sent him
to Caprese to Tiberius; and Tiberius, when he heard of it,
slew Sejanus and his fellow-conspirators, and though he had
held Antonia in great esteem before, now looked upon her
with still greater respect, and regarded her as trustworthy
in all things. So, when Tiberius was desired by this Antonia
to examine Eutychus, he answered, “ If indeed Eutychus
has falsely accused Agrippa in what he has said of him, he
has had sufficient punishment by what I have done to him
already ; but if, upon examination, the accusation appears
to be true, let Agrippa have a care, lest, in desire of
punishing his freedman, he do not rather bring a punish¬
ment upon himself.” Now when Antonia told Agrippa of
this, he was still much more pressing that the matter might
be examined into; so Antonia, upon Agrippa’s continually
importuning her to beg for this, seized the following op¬
portunity. As Tiberius once reclined in his litter, and
was being carried about in it, and Caius, her grandson, and
Agrippa walked before him, after dinner, she went close to
the litter, and begged Tiberius to call Eutychus, and have
him examined; to which he replied, “O Antonia! the
gods are my witnesses, that I am induced to do what I am
going to do, not by my own inclination, but because I am
forced to it by thy entreaty.” When he had said this, he
ordered Macro, who had succeeded Sejanus, to bring Euty¬
chus to him ; and he was brought without any delay. Then
Tiberius asked him what he had to say against a man who
had given him his liberty. Upon which he said, “ 0 my
lord! this Caius, and Agrippa with him, were once riding
in a chariot, and I sat at their feet, and among other con-

CHAP. VI.] ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 295

versation that passed, Agrippa said to Caius, ‘ O that the
day would come, when this old man would die, and appoint
thee as master of the world! for Tiberius, his grandson,
would be no hindrance to us, if taken off by thee, and the
world would be happy, and I should be happy still more.’”
Now Tiberius took these to be truly Agrippa’s words, and
having an old grudge also at Agrippa, because, when he
had commanded him to pay court to Tiberius his grand¬
son, and the son of Drusus, Agrippa had neglected him,
and disobeyed his commands, and transferred all his
homage to Caius, he said to Macro, “ Bind this person.”
But Macro, not distinctly knowing whom it was he bade
him bind, and not expecting that he would wish any such
thing done to Agrippa, delayed until he should know more
distinctly what Tiberius meant. But, when Tiberius had
gone round the hippodrome, he found Agrippa standing
there, and said “ Why, Macro, here is the person I meant
to have bound; ” and when he still asked, “ Which of
them ? ” he said “ Agrippa.” Then Agrippa betook him¬
self to making supplication for himself, reminding him of
his son, with whom he was brought up, and of Tiberius
[his grandson] whom he had educated: but all to no pur¬
pose, for they took him off bound in his purple robe. It
was also very hot weather, and they had had but little
wine to their meal, so that he was very thirsty; he was
also distressed and vexed at this treatment. Seeing there¬
fore one of Caius’ slaves, whose name was Thaumastus,
carrying some water in a vessel, he desired that he would
let him drink. And as he readily gave him some water
to drink, he drank, and said, “ Boy ! this service of thine
to me will be for thy advantage ; for, if I once get rid of
these my bonds, I will soon procure thee thy freedom from
Caius, seeing thou hast not been wanting to minister to
me, though I am in bonds, in the same manner as when
I was in my former state and dignity.” Nor did he
deceive him in what he promised him, but requited him
for what he had done, for, when Agrippa afterwards came
to be king, he took particular care of Thaumastus, and
got him his liberty from Caius, and made him manager of
his affairs, and when he died, left him to Agrippa his son,
and to Berenice his daughter, to minister to them in the

296 THE WORKS OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XVIII.

same capacity. Thaumastus also grew old in tliat honour¬
able post, and died in it. But all this happened some
time afterwards.

§ 7. Now Agrippa stood in his bonds before the royal
palace, with many others who were in bonds also, and
leaned against a certain tree in dejection, and as a certain
bird sat upon the tree against which Agrippa leaned, (the
Romans call this bird bubo, 1 ) one of those that were
bound, a German by nation, seeing the bird, asked a
soldier who that man in purple was. And when he was
informed that his name was Agrippa, and that he was by
race a Jew, and one of the principal men of that nation,
he asked leave of the soldier to whom he was bound, 2 to
let him come nearer to him, to speak with him ; for he had
a mind to inquire of him about some things relating to his
country. And when he had obtained leave, he stood near
him, and spoke as follows to him by an interpreter. “ This
sudden change of thy condition, young man! troubles thee,
as bringing on thee a manifold and very great adversity;
nor wilt thou believe me, when I foretell how thou wilt get
rid of this present misery, and how divine Providence will
provide for thee. Know therefore (and I appeal to my
own country’s gods, as well as to the gods of this place,
who have awarded these bonds to us,) that all I am going
to say about thy concerns, shall neither be said to please
thee by its babbling, nor in the endeavour to cheer thee
without cause, for such predictions, when they come to
fail, make the grief in the end more bitter than if one had
never heard them at all. However, though I expose
myself to danger by so doing, I think it fit to declare to
thee the prediction of the gods. It cannot be that thou
shalt continue long in these bonds, but thou wilt soon be
delivered from them, and wilt be promoted to the highest
dignity and power, and wilt be envied by all who now
pity thy fortunes, and wilt be happy in thy death, and wilt
leave happiness to thy children. But remember, whenever
thou seest this bird again, thou wilt then live but five days

1 That is, owl.

2 Dr. Hudson here takes notice, out of Seneca, Epistle v., that this
was the custom of Tiberius, to couple the prisoner, and tko soldier that
guarded him, together with the same chain.—VV.

CHAP. VI.] ANTIQUITIES OP THE JEWS. 297

longer. This event will he brought to pass by that God
who has sent this bird here to be a sign unto thee. I
think it wrong to conceal from thee what I foresee concern¬
ing thee, that by thy knowing beforehand what happiness
is coming upon thee, thou mayest lightly regard thy
present misfortunes. But when this happiness shall come
to thee, do not forget what misery I am in myself, but
endeavour to deliver me.” When the German had said
this, he made Agrippa laugh at him as much as he after¬
wards appeared worthy of admiration. But Antonia took
Agrippa’s misfortune to heart: however, to speak to
Tiberius on his behalf, she saw to be a very difficult thing,
and indeed quite impracticable; but she got leave of
Macro, that the soldiers that guarded him should be of a
gentle nature, and that the centurion who was over them,
and was bound to him, should be of the same disposi¬
tion, and that he might bathe every day, and that his
freedmen and friends might have access to him, and that
other things that tended to ease his body might be allowed
him. So his friend Silas had access to him, and two of
his freedmen, Marsyas and Stcecheus, brought him such
kind of food as he was fond of, and indeed took great care
of him; they also brought him garments, under pretence
of selling them, and, when night came on, laid them under
him, and the soldiers assisted them, as Macro had ordered
beforehand. Such was Agrippa’s condition for six months,
and such was the state of his affairs.

§ 8. As for Tiberius, on his return to Capreae, he fell ill.
At first his illness was but mild, but as it increased upon
him, he was anxious about his condition, and bade Euodus,
who was the freedman whom he most of all valued,
to bring the children to him; for he said he wanted to
talk to them before he died. Now he had no longer any
sons of his own alive; for Drusus, who was his only son, was
dead; but Drusus’ son Tiberius was still living, who was
also called Gemellus. There was also living Caius, the
son of Germanicus, who was the son of his brother.
[Drusus]. He was now grown up, and had finished his
education, and was in esteem and favour with the people
because of the excellent character of his father Germani¬
cus, who had attained the highest honour among the

298 THE WORKS OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XVIII.

multitude by his consistent behaviour, and the easiness
and affability of his intercourse with the multitude, for
the rank he had did not hinder his treating all persons as if
they were his equals. In consequence of this behaviour he
was not only greatly esteemed by the people and the senate,
but also by every one of the nations that were subject to
the Romans ; some of whom were captivated, when they
met him, with the grace of their reception by him, and
others by the report of those who had met him. So upon
his death there was a lamentation made by all men, not
counterfeit sorrow such as is made in flattery to rulers, but
real sorrow, for everybody grieved at his death, as if they
had lost one that was near to them. So affable was he to all
men, that it turned greatly to the advantage of his son
among all; and the soldiers in particular were so devoted
to him, that they reckoned it a gain, if need were, to die, if
he might but become emperor.

§ 9. Now when Tiberius had given orders to Euodus
to bring the children to him the next day in the morn¬
ing, he prayed to his country’s gods to show him a mani¬
fest sign which of the two should be his successor, being
very desirous to leave it to his son’s son, but still intending
to depend more upon what Q-od should foreshow concerning
them, than upon his own opinion and inclination. So he
made this to be the omen, that the empire should belong
to him who should come first to him the next day. When
he had thus resolved, he sent to his grandson’s tutor, and
ordered him to bring the child to him early in the morning,
supposing that God would not interfere about who should
be made emperor. But God thwarted his intention. For
as Tiberius was thus contriving matters, directly it was
day, he bade Euodus to call in the child which should be
ready there first. And he went out, and found Caius
before the door, (for Tiberius was not yet come, for hie
breakfast was late, and Euodus knew nothing of what his
lord intended,) so he said to Caius, “ Thy father calls
thee,” and brought him in. As soon as Tiberius saw
Caius, he reflected then first on the power of God, and how
the power of bestowing the empire on whom he would
was entirely taken from him, and so he was not able to
make good what he had intended. And he greatly lamented

CHAP. VI.]

ANTIQUITIES OP THE JEWS.

299

that the power of carrying out his intention was taken from
him, and that his grandson Tiberius was not only to lose
the Roman empire by his mode of divination, but his own
safety also, because his preservation would now depend upon
such as would be more powerful than himself, who would
think it a thing insufferable that a kinsman should live with
them, and so his relationship would not be able to protect
him, but he would be feared and hated by him who had the
supreme authority, partly on account of his being next to
the empire, partly because he would be perpetually plotting,
not only to preserve himself, but also to be at the head of
affairs. Now Tiberius was very much given to the casting of
nativities, and had spent his life more successfully in the
science than those whose profession it was. For example,
when he once saw Gralba coming to him, he said to his
most intimate friends, that there came a man that would
one day have the rank of Roman emperor. And Tiberius
was more addicted to all sorts of divinations than any
other of the Roman emperors, because he had found
them to reveal the truth about his own affairs. And in¬
deed he was now in great distress at this chance that
had befallen him, and was very much grieved about his
grandson as if he were already murdered, and vexed with
himself that he should have made use of such a method of
divination, when it was in his power to have died without
grief in ignorance of the future, whereas he must now die
tormented by his foreknowledge of the misfortunes of such
as were dearest to him. But although he was troubled at
this unexpected succession to the empire of those for whom
he did not intend it, he spoke as follows to Caius, though
unwillingly and against his inclination: “ 0 child! though
Tiberius is nearer related to me than thou art, I, by my
own determination and the vote of the gods, do give, and
put into thy hand, the Roman empire. And I desire thee
never to be unmindful when thou eomest to it, either of
my kindness to thee, in setting thee in so high a dignity,
or of thy relationship to Tiberius; and as thou kno west that
I am, together with and after the gods, the procurer of
such great blessings to thee, so I desire that thou wilt
make me a return for my readiness to assist thee, and wilt
take care of Tiberius because of his near relationship to

300 THE WORKS OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XVIII.

thee. Besides which, thou art to know, that, while Tiberius
is alive, he will be a bulwark to thee, both as to the empire
and as to thy own preservation ; but, if he die, that will be
but a prelude to thy own misfortunes; for to be alone
under the weight of such vast affairs is very dangerous;
nor will the gods suffer those actions which are unjustly
done, contrary to the law which directs men to act other,
wise, to go unpunished.” This was the speech which
Tiberius made, which did not persuade Caius to act accord¬
ingly, although he promised to do so, for when he was
settled in the empire, he took off this Tiberius, as was pre¬
dicted by his grandfather, as he was also himself, no long
time afterwards, slain by a conspiracy formed against him.

§ 10. After Tiberius had at this time appointed Caius to
be his successor, he lived only a few days, and then died,
after he had been emperor twenty-two years, five months,
and three days. Now Caius was the fourth emperor.
And when the Romans heard that Tiberius was dead, they
rejoiced at the good news, but had not courage to believe
it, not because they were unwilling it should be true, for
they would have given large sums of money that it might
prove to be so, but because they were afraid, if they showed
their joy prematurely, and the news proved false, they would
be accused and ruined. For this Tiberius had brought a
vast load of misery on the patrician families of the Romans,
for he was easily inflamed with passion in all cases, and
was of such a temper as rendered his anger uncontrollable
till he had wreaked it, even though he hated anyone with¬
out reason, for he was by nature fierce in all the sentences
he gave, and made death the penalty for the slightest
offences. And so, though the Romans heard the rumour
about his death gladly, they were restrained from the full
enjoyment of that pleasure by the dread of such miseries
as they foresaw would follow, if their hopes proved ill
grounded. Now as soon as Marsyas, Agrippa’s freedman,
heard of Tiberius’ death, he came running to tell Agrippa
the news; and finding him going out to the bath, he gave
him a nod, and said in the Hebrew tongue, “ The lion is
dead.” 1 And he, understanding his meaning, and being

1 The name of a lion is often given to tyrants, especially by the Jews,
such as Agrippa, and probably his freedman Marsyas, in effect were,

CHAP. VI.]

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

301

delighted at the news, said, “ All thanks and happiness
attend thee for this news of thine: I only hope that what
thou sayest may prove true.” Now the centurion, who
was set to guard Agrippa, when he saw with what haste
Marsyas came, and what joy Agrippa had at what he said,
suspected that his words announced something startling,
and asked them about the subject of their conversation.
They at first turned the subject, but, upon his further
pressing, Agrippa, without more ado, told him (for he was
already his friend), and he joined with him in the pleasure
which this news occasioned, because it would be fortunate
to Agrippa, and made him a supper. But, as they were
feasting and drinking merrily, there came one who said,
that Tiberius was still alive, and would return to the city
in a few days. At this news the centurion was exceed¬
ingly troubled, because he had done what might cost him
his life, in feasting so jovially a prisoner, and that upon
the news of the death of the emperor; so he thrust Agrippa
from the couch whereon he reclined, and said, “ Dost thou,
think to cheat me by a lie about the emperor without
punishment ? and shalt not thou pay for this report at the
price of thine head?” When he had so said, he ordered
Agrippa to be bound again, (for he had loosed him before,)
and kept a severer guard over him than formerly. In that
evil condition was Agrippa that night; but the next day
the rumour increased in the city, and confirmed the news
that Tiberius was certainly dead, insomuch that men durst
now openly and freely talk about it; nay, some offered
sacrifices on that account. Several letters also came from
Caius, one of them to the senate, informing them of the
death of Tiberius, and of his own succession to the empire,
another to Piso, the governor of the city, which announced
the same thing. Caius also gave orders that Agrippa should
be removed out of the camp, and go to the house where he
lived before he was put in prison; so that he was now out
of fear as to his own affairs; for, although he was still in
custody, yet he had considerable freedom. And as soon as
Caius was come to Rome, and had brought Tiberius’ body

Ezek. xix. 1, 2 ; Esth. xiv. 13 ; 2 Tim. iv. 17. They are also sometimes
compared to or represented by wild beasts, of which the lion is the
principal. Dan. vii. 3, 8 ; Apoc. xiii. 1, 2.—W.

302 THE WORKS OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XVIII.

with him, and had made a sumptuous funeral for him, ac¬
cording to the laws of his country, he was much disposed
to set Agrippa at liberty that very day, but Antonia hin¬
dered him, not out of any ill-will to the prisoner, but from
regard to decency in Caius, lest it should make men believe
that he heard of the death of Tiberius with pleasure, if he
set free so soon one whom Tiberius had put in bonds.
However, not many days elapsed before Caius sent for
Agrippa to his house, and had him shaved, and made him
change his raiment, after which he put a diadem upon his
head, and appointed him king of the tetrarchy of Philip.
He also gave him the tetrarchy of Lysanias, 1 and changed
his iron chain for a golden one of equal weight. He also
sent out Marullus to be master of the horse in Judaea.

§ 11. Now, in the second year of the reign of Caius
Caesar, Agrippa asked for leave to sail home, and settle
affairs in his kingdom, and promised to return again
when he had put everything in order, as it ought to be
put. And, upon the emperor’s permission, he returned to
his own country, and appeared before all men unexpectedly
as king, and thereby demonstrated to those that saw him
the power of fortune, when they compared his former
poverty with his present prosperity. And some called him
a happy man, because he had not been foiled of his hopes,
others could scarce believe what had happened.

CHAP. VII.

How Herod the Tetrarch was exiled to Lugdunum.

§ 1 -

B UT Herodias, Agrippa’s sister, who was wife of that
Herod who was tetrarch of Galilee and Persea, was
envious of this authority of her brother, particularly
as she saw that he had far greater dignity bestowed on
him than her husband had, though, when he ran away, he

1 Although Caius now promised to give Agrippa the tetrarchy of
Lysanias, yet was it not actually conferred upon him till the reign of
Claudius, as we learn, Antiq. xix. 5, § 1.—W.

CHAP. VII.]

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

303

was not able to pay his debts, but now be was come back,
be bad great position and prosperity. She was therefore
grieved, and much displeased at so great a change, and espe¬
cially when she saw him walking about among the multitude
with the usual marks of royal authority, and was not able
to conceal how miserable she was from her envy, but she
incited her husband, and begged him to sail to Rome, to
court honours equal to Agrippa’s : for she said life was
unbearable for them, if Agrippa (the son of that Aristo-
bulus who was condemned to death by his father), who
came to her husband in such extreme poverty, that all the
necessaries of life had to be supplied him day by day, and
had fled away from his creditors by sea, now returned a
king, while he himself, the son of a king, whom his near
relationship to royalty called upon to claim the same
dignity, sat still, and was contented with a private life.
“ And if,” she continued, “ before, Herod, you did not
mind being in a lower condition than your father, who
begot you, had, yet now at any rate seek after a similar
dignity; and do not bear this come down that a man
who has paid court to your riches should be in greater
honour than yourself, nor suffer his poverty to show itself
able to purchase greater things than our abundance; nor
esteem it other than a shameful thing to be inferior to one,
who, the other day, lived upon your charity. But let us
go to Rome, and let us spare no pains or expenditure of
silver or gold, since they cannot be kept for any better use
than for procuring a kingdom.”

§ 2. As for Herod, he opposed her request for a time,
from his love of ease, and a suspicion that he would have
trouble at Rome, and he tried to instruct her better. But
the more she saw him draw back, the more she pressed
him to it, and desired him to leave no stone unturned to
be king: and at last she left not off till she engaged him,
whether he would or not, to be of her sentiments, because
he could no otherwise avoid her importunity. So he got
all things ready, in as sumptuous a manner as he was
able, and spared for nothing, and went up to Rome, and
took Herodias with him. And Agrippa, when he heard of
their intention and preparations, also made his prepara¬
tions. And as soon as lie heard they had set sail, he sent

304 THE WORKS OP FLAVITJS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XVIII.

Fortunatus, one of his freedmen, to Rome, to carry pre¬
sents to the emperor, and letters against Herod, and to
speak to Caius himself, if he should have an opportunity.
This man followed Herod so quick, and had so prosperous
a voyage, and came so little time after Herod, that while
Herod was with Caius, he also arrived, and delivered his
letters; for they both sailed to Dicaearchia, 1 and found
Caius at Bai®, 2 which is itself a little town in Campania,
about five furlongs from Dicaearchia. There are in that
place royal palaces with sumptuous apartments, each em¬
peror still endeavouring to outdo his predecessor’s mag¬
nificence ; the place also has warm baths that spring out
of the ground of their own accord, which are of advantage
for the recovery of the health of those that make use of
them, and also minister to men’s luxury. Now Caius
simultaneously addressed Herod (it was the first time he
had met with him) and looked at the letters which Agrippa
had sent him, and which were written in accusation of
Herod, wherein he was accused of having been in con¬
spiracy with Sejanus against Tiberius’ government, and
of being now confederate with Artabanus, the king of
Parthia, in opposition to the government of Caius, as a proof
of which Agrippa said that Herod had armour sufficient
for seventy thousand men ready in his armoury. Caius
was moved at this information, and asked Herod, whether
what was said about the armour was true. And when he
admitted there was such armour there (for he could not
deny it, the truth of it being too notorious), Caius took
that as a sufficient proof of the accusation that he in¬
tended to revolt. So he took away from him his tetrarchy,
and gave it by way of addition to Agrippa’s kingdom ; he
also gave Herod’s money to Agrippa, and punished Herod by
perpetual exile, and appointed Lugdunum, 3 a city of Gaul,
to be his place of habitation. But when he was informed
that Herodias was Agrippa’s sister, he made her a present
of the money that was her own, and told her, that it was
only her brother who prevented her sharing the cala¬
mity of her husband. But she replied, “ You, indeed, 0
emperor! say this in a magnificent manner, and as be-

1 Puteoli, Pozzwli.

Baja,

Lyon.

CHAP. VIII.J ANTIQUITIES OP THE JEWS.

305

comes you, but the love which I have for my husband
hinders me from partaking of the favour of your gift; for
it is not right that I, who have been a partner in his pros¬
perity, should forsake him in his misfortunes.” There¬
upon Caius was angry at her pride, and sent her into exile
with Herod, and gave her estate to Agrippa. And thus
did God punish Herodias for her envy of her brother, and
Herod for giving ear to the vain discourses of a woman.
Now Caius administered public affairs with great mag¬
nanimity during the first and second year of his reign, and
behaved himself with such moderation, that he gained the
good-will of the Homans themselves, and of his other sub¬
jects. But, in process of time, he thought himself because
of the vast extent of his dominions as something more
than a man, and made himself a god, and took upon him¬
self to act in all things so as to insult the Deity.

CHAP. yin.

Concerning the Embassage of the Jews to Caius, and how
Caius sent Petronius into Syria to make War against the
Jews, unless they would receive his Statue.

§ 1 -

OW a tumult having arisen at Alexandria between

-L N the Jewish inhabitants and the Greeks, three am¬
bassadors were chosen out of each party that were at
variance, who came to Caius. Now one of these ambas¬
sadors from the people of Alexandria was Apion, who
greatly slandered the Jews, and, among other things that
he said, charged them with neglecting the honours that
belonged to the emperor; for while all who were subject to
the Roman empire built altars and temples to Caius, and
in all other respects treated him as one of the gods, these
Jews alone thought it unseemly to erect statues in honour
of him, or to swear by his name. When Apion had said
many of these severe things, by which he hoped to exas¬
perate Caius against the Jews, as was likely to be the case,
Philo, the principal person of the Jewish embassage, a
hi. x

306 THE WORKS OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XVIII.

man eminent on all accounts, and the brother of Alexander
the Alabarch, 1 and not unskilled in philosophy, was ready
to betake himself to make his defence against those accu¬
sations. But Caius prohibited him, and bade him be gone,
and was also in such a rage, that it was clear he was about
to do them some very great mischief. And Philo having
been thus ill treated went out, and said to those Jews who
were about him, that they ought to be of good courage,
for Caius’ words indeed showed anger at them, but in
reality he had already set Q-od against him as an enemy.

§ 2. Then Caius, indignant that he should be thus de¬
spised by the Jews only, sent Petronius as his lieutenant
to Syria, and as successor in the government to Vitellius,
and gave him orders to invade Judaea with a large force,
and, if they would admit his statue willingly, to erect it in
the temple of God, but, if they were obstinate, to conquer
them by war, and then to do it. Accordingly, Petronius
took over the government of Syria, and made haste to obey
Caius’ injunctions. He got together as great a number
of auxiliaries as he possibly could, and took with him two
legions of the Roman army, and went to Ptolemais 2 to
winter there, intending to set about the war in the spring.
He also wrote word to Caius what he had determined to
do, and he commended him for his energy, and ordered
him not to be slack in the work, but to make war with
them, if they would not obey his commands. Then many
ten thousands of the Jews went to Ptolemais to Petronius,
to offer their petitions to him, that he would not compel
them to transgress and violate the law of their forefathers.

“ But if (said they) you are absolutely determined to bring
this statue and erect it, first kill us, and then do what
you have resolved on; for while we are alive, we can¬
not permit such things to be done as are forbidden us
by the authority of our legislator and our forefathers,
who have decided that such prohibitions are proofs of
virtue.” But Petronius was angry with them, and said,

1 This Alexander the Alabarch, or governor of the Jews at Alexandria,
and brother to Philo, is supposed by Bishop Pearson to be the same as
that Alexander who is mentioned by St. Luke, as of the kindred of the
high priests, Acts iv. 6.—W.

a ’Akka, St. Jean d’Acre.

CHAP. Till.] ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

307

“ If I were myself emperor, and meant to follow my own
will in acting thus, these words of yours would be properly
spoken to me, but now the emperor has sent me, I am under
the necessity of carrying out his decrees, because dis¬
obedience to them would bring upon me inevitable destruc¬
tion.” Then the Jews replied, “ Since, therefore, you are
so disposed, 0 Petronius, that you will not disobey Cams’
commands, neither will we transgress the bidding of our
law; and as we, relying on God and virtue, and the efforts
of our ancestors, have continued hitherto without suffering
them to be transgressed, we dare not by any means suffer
ourselves to be so timorous as to transgress those laws,
which God has ordered for our advantage, from the fear of
death. And if we fall into misfortunes, we will bear them
in order to preserve our laws, knowing that those who ex¬
pose themselves to dangers have good hope of escaping
them, because God will stand on our side, if, out of regard
to him, we undergo afflictions, and sustain the uncertain¬
ties of fortune. But, if we should submit to you, we should
be greatly reproached for our cowardice, as thereby show¬
ing ourselves ready to transgress our law; and we should
incur the great anger of God also, who, even in your own
judgment, is superior to Caius.”

§ 3. When Petronius saw by their words that their de¬
termination was fixed, and that he would not be able with¬
out a war to obey Caius in the dedication of his statue,
and that there would be a great deal of bloodshed, he took
his friends and retinue, and pushed on to Tiberias, wishing
to know in what posture the affairs of the Jews were. And
many ten thousand of the Jews met Petronius again, when
he was come to Tiberias, for they thought they would run
a mighty hazard if they should have war with the Romans,
hut judged that the transgression of the law was of much
greater consequence, and made supplication to him, that he
would by no means reduce them to such straits, nor defile
their city with the erection of Caius’ statue. Then Petro¬
nius said to them, “ Will you war then with the emperor,
without considering his great preparations for war, and
your own weakness?” And they replied, “We will not
by any means war with him, but we will die before
we see our laws transgressed.” Then they threw them-

308 THE WOBKS OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XVIII,

selves down upon their faces, and stretched out their
throats, and said they were ready to be slain. And this
they did for forty days together, and in the meantime left
off the tilling of their ground, though the season of the
year required them to sow it. Thus firm did they continue
in their resolution, and proposal to die willingly, rather
than to see the erection of Caius’ statue.

§ 4. When matters were in this state, Aristobulus, king
Agrippa’s brother, and Helcias the Great, and the other
principal men of that family, and the leading Jews with
them, went in unto Petronius, and besought him, since
he saw the determination of the multitude, not to
drive them to despair, but write to Caius, that the
Jews had an insuperable aversion to the reception of
his statue, and how they assumed a hostile attitude, and
left off the tillage of their ground: and that they were not
willing to go to war with him, because they were not able
to do it, but were ready to die with pleasure, rather than
suffer their laws to be transgressed : and how, if the land
continued unsown, robberies would be on the increase, from
their inability of paying tribute. They added that perhaps
Caius would be thereby moved to pity, and not entertain
any savage idea, or think of destroying the nation, but if
he continued inflexible in his former opinion to war against
them, he might then set about it himself. Thus did Aris¬
tobulus, and the rest with him, supplicate Petronius. And
Petronius, 1 partly on account of the earnest entreaties of
Aristobulus and the rest, and because of the great impor¬
tance of what they asked, and the skilful way in which
they made their supplication; partly because he saw the
firmness of the opposition made by the Jews, and thought
it monstrous for him so to carry out the madness of Caius,
as to slay so many ten thousand men, only because of
their religious disposition towards God, and to pass all

1 This Publius Petronius was after this still president of Syria,
under Claudius, and, at the desire of Agrippa, published a severe decree
against the inhabitants of Dora, who, in a sort of imitation of Caius,
had set up a statue of Claudius in a Jewish synagogue there. This
decree is extant, xix. 6, § 3, and greatly confirms the present accounts
of Josephus, as do the other decrees of Claudius, relating to the like
Jewish affairs, xix. 5, § 2, 3,—W.

CHAP. VIII.] ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

309

his life after that in remorse; Petronius, I say, thought it
much better to write to Caius, although he knew what in¬
tolerable rage he would be in against him for not obeying
sooner his commands. But perhaps he thought he might
persuade him, or if this mad resolution continued, he might
then begin the war against them ; nay, even if Caius should
turn his anger against him (Petronius), it was good for
persons who laid claim to virtue even to die for such vast
multitudes of men. So he determined to hearken to the
petitioners in this matter.

§ 5. He then called the Jews together to Tiberias (who
came many ten thousands in number), and went up to
them, and pointed out that the present expedition was not
undertaken at his own option, but at the commands of the
emperor, whose wrath would immediately and without
delay be executed on such as had the temerity to disobey
what he had commanded ; nor was it fit for him, who had
obtained such great honour by his favour, to contradict
him in any thing. “ Yet,” added he, “ I do not think it
just to have such a regard to my own safety and honour,
as to refuse to sacrifice them for your preservation, as you
are so many in number, and endeavour to preserve the re¬
spect due to your law (which because it has come down to
you from your forefathers, you esteem worth fighting for)
and to the supreme authority and power of God, whose
temple I will not venture to allow to fall into contempt by
the imperial authority. I will, therefore, send to Caius,
and let him know what your determination is, and will assist
your suit as far as I am able, that you may not suffer on
account of the virtuous designs you have proposed to your¬
selves. And may God be your helper (for his authority is
beyond all the contrivance and power of men), and may he
procure you the preservation of your ancient laws, and not
be deprived, by the unreasonable wishes of men, of his
accustomed honours! But if Cains be irritated, and turn
the violence of his rage upon me, I will rather undergo all
the danger and affliction that may come either upon my
body or soul, than see so many of you perish, while you
are acting in so excellent a manner. Do you, therefore,
every one of you, go your ways about your own occupations,
and fall to the cultivation of your land. I will myself send

310 THE WORKS OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XVIII.

to Rome, and will not refuse to serve you in all things,
either by myself or by my friends.”

§ 6. When Petronius had said this, and had dismissed
the assembly of the Jews, he desired those in authority to
see to the cultivation of the fields, and to encourage the
people to hope for better things. Thus did he soon make
the multitude cheerful again. And now did Q-od show his
presence to Petronius, and signify to him, that he would
afford him his assistance in his whole design; for he had
no sooner finished the speech that he made to the Jews,
but God sent down at once great showers of rain, contrary
to human expectation, for the day was a clear day in the
morning, and gave no indication by the appearance of the
sky of any rain; nay, the whole year had been subject to
a great drought, and made men despair of any rain from
above, even if at any time they saw the heavens overcast
with clouds; so that when such a great quantity of rain
fell then, and that in an unusual manner, and without any
expectation of it, the Jews hoped that Petronius would not
fail in his supplication for them. And as to Petronius, he
was amazed, evidently seeing that God took care of the
Jews, and gave very plain signs of his appearance, so that
those that were actually much inclined to a contrary
opinion were unable to contradict it. This also among
other particulars he wrote to Caius, all tending to dissuade
him from his purpose, and entreating him by all means not
to drive so many ten thousands of these men mad, whom if
he should slay (for without war they would by no means
suffer the laws of their worship to be set aside,) he would
lose the revenue they paid him, and would be publicly
cursed by them through all future ages. He added that
God, who was their protector, had shown his power most
clearly, and that such a power as left no room for doubt
about it. Such was the business that Petronius was now
engaged in.

§ 7. Now king Agrippa, who at this time chanced to be
living at Rome, grew more and more in favour with Caius;
and when he had once made him a feast, and was careful to
exceed all others, both in the expense of the feast, and in
such preparations as might contribute to his pleasure, which
were not only far out of the means of all others, but such

311

CHAP. VIII.] ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

as Oaius himself could never equal, much less exceed (such
care did Agrippa take to exceed all men, and particularly
to do all he could to please the emperor), Oaius admired
his generous disposition and magnificence, that he should
strive to do every thing to please him even beyond his
means, and wished to imitate the generosity which Agrippa
exhibited in order to please him. So Oaius, when he had
drunk wine plentifully, and was merrier than usual, said
during the feast, when Agrippa urged him to drink, “ I
knew before now what great regard you had for me, and what
great kindness you showed me, though with risk to your¬
self from Tiberius, nor have you omitted anything to show
your good-will towards me, even beyond your means. So,
as it would be a base thing for me to come short of you in
affection, I am desirous to make you amends for every
thing in which I have been formerly deficient. For all
that I have bestowed on you, that may be called my gifts,
is but little; every thing therefore that may contribute to
your happiness shall be at' your service, and that gladly,
and as far as my power will reach.” And this Caius said
to Agrippa, thinking he would ask for some province or the
revenues of certain cities. But, although he had made up
his mind beforehand what he would ask, yet did he not dis¬
cover his intentions, but made answer to Caius immediately,
that it was not out of any expectation of gain that he for¬
merly paid court to him, contrary to the commands of Tibe¬
rius, nor did he now do any thing to please him with an
eye to his own advantage, and in order to receive any thing
from him: for the gifts he had already bestowed upon
him were great, and beyond the hopes of even a grasping
man ; for, although they might be beneath the emperor’s
power, they were greater than the expectation and merit of
the receiver. And, as Caius was amazed at Agrippa’s
virtue, and pressed him still more to make his request for
something which he might gratify him with, Agrippa
replied, “ Since, my lord! you declare, such is your libe¬
rality, that I am worthy of your gifts, I will ask nothing
that will contribute to my own happiness, for what you
have already bestowed on me has made me remarkable for
that; but I ask something which may make you glorious
for piety, and render the Deity a helper of your designs.

312 THE WORKS OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XVIII.

and may be an honour to me among those that hear of it,
as showing that I never fail to obtain what I ask of you.
Now my petition is this, that you will no longer think of
the dedication of the statue which you have ordered Petro-
nius to set up in the Jewish temple.”

§ 8. Thus did Agrippa venture to cast the die upon this
occasion, so important was the matter in his opinion, though
he knew how dangerous a thing it was so to speak ; for, had
not Caius approved of his request, it would have tended to
no less than the loss of his life. But Caius, who was mightily
taken with Agrippa’s obliging behaviour, and also thought
it unseemly to break his word before so many witnesses,
as he had with such eagerness forced Agrippa to become a
petitioner, and thought it would look as if he soon repented
of his offer, and because he greatly admired Agrippa’s
virtue, in not desiring him at all to augment his own
dominions, either with large revenues, or greater authority,
but in thinking of the public tranquillity, of the laws, and
of the Deity, granted him what he requested, and wrote
as follows to Petronius, commending him for mustering
his army, and consulting him about this affair. “ If (he
said,) thou hast already erected my statue, let it continue
up; but, if thou hast not yet done so, do not trouble thy¬
self further about it, but dismiss thy army, and go to
the business which I sent thee about first, for I have now
no occasion for the erection of the statue. I have granted
this as a favour to Agrippa, a man whom I honour so
very greatly, that I am not able to refuse him what he
would have, or what he has desired me to do for him.”
Now Caius wrote this to Petronius, before he received
his letter, informing him that the Jews were ripe for revolt
about the statue, and that they seemed absolutely resolved
to threaten war against the Romans. Upon receipt of this
letter Caius was much displeased that any attempt should
be made against his supreme authority, being as he was a
slave to base and vicious actions on all occasions, and paying
no regard to what was virtuous and honourable, and if he
resolved to show his anger against any one for any reason
whatever, suffering not himself to be restrained by any
advice, but thinking the indulging his anger a real plea¬
sure. So he wrote as follows to Petronius. “ Seeing thou

313

CHAP. VIII.J ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

esteemest the presents made thee by the Jews to he of
greater value than my commands, and art grown insolent
enough to be subservient to their pleasure, I charge thee
to become thy own judge, and to consider what thou art to
do, now thou art under my displeasure ; for I will make
thee an example to the present and to all future ages, that
none may dare to contradict the commands of their
emperor.”

§ 9. This was the letter which Caius wrote to Petronius,
but Petronius did not receive it while Caius was alive; the
ship which carried it sailing so slow, that other letters
came to Petronius before it, by which he learned that
Caius was dead. For G-od would not forget the dangers
Petronius had undertaken to gratify the Jews, and to do
him honour, hut when he had taken Caius off in indig¬
nation at his so insolently attempting to claim for him¬
self divine worship, he discharged his debt to Petronius.
And Eome and all the empire co-operated with Petronius,
especially those of the senators that were of most merit, be¬
cause Caius had been unmercifully severe to them. For
Caius died not long after he had written to Petronius the
letter which threatened him with death; but as to the cause
of his death, and the nature of the plot against him, I shall
relate them in the progress of my narrative. Now the
letter which informed Petronius of Caius’s death came first,
and a little afterwards came that which commanded him to
kill himself with his own hands. And Petronius rejoiced
at this circumstance of the death of Caius, and at the same
time marvelled at the providence of God, who without the
least delay, and immediately, gave him a reward for the
regard he had had to the temple, and for the assistance he
had afforded the Jews. Thus easily and unexpectedly did
Petronius escape the danger of death.

314 THE WORKS OP FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XVIII.

CHAP. IX.

What hefeU the Jews that were in Babylon, because of two
Brothers, Asinceus and Anilceus.

§ 1 -

A DREADFUL calamity now befell the Jews that were
in Mesopotamia, and especially those that dwelt in
Babylonia. It was inferior to none, and accompanied by
great slaughter of them, and that greater than any re¬
corded before; concerning all which I shall speak explicitly,
and set forth the causes of their calamity. There was a city
in Babylonia called Naarda, 1 2 not only a populous one, but
one that had a fertile and large territory round it, and,
besides its other advantages, was full of men also. It was
also not easy to be assaulted by enemies, because the river
Euphrates encompassed it all round, and because it had
strong walls. There was also the city Nisibis, 3 situate on
the same current of the river. So the Jews, depending on
the natural strength of these places, deposited in them that
half shekel 3 which every one, by the custom of our country,
offers to God, as well as they did other things devoted to
him, for they made use of these cities as a treasury, whence,
at the proper time, they were transmitted to Jerusalem;
and many ten thousand men undertook to carry those
donations, from fear of the ravages of the Parthians,
to whom Babylonia was then subject. Now, there were
two brothers, Asinseus, and Anilaeus, natives of the city of
Naarda, who had lost their father, and their mother put
them to learn the art of weaving, it not being esteemed a
disgrace among those people for men to spin wool. Now,
he that taught them that art, and was set over them, com¬
plained that they came too late to their work, and punished
them with stripes: and they took this punishment as an
outrage, and carried off all the weapons which were kept
in that house, which were not a few, and went into a cer-

1 Called in the Peutinger, Table Naharra ; it was not far from Sippara.

2 Now NUibin.

3 Compare St. Matthew, xvii. 24.

CHAP. IX.]

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

315

tain place where was a partition of the rivers, a place
naturally very fit for the feeding of cattle, and for getting
hay to he stored up for the winter. The poorest sort of the
young men also resorted to them, whom they armed with
the weapons they had got, and became their captains, and
nothing hindered them from being their leaders in mischief.
And they soon became invincible, and built a citadel,
and sent to such as fed cattle, and ordered them to pay so
much tribute out of them as might be sufficient for their
maintenance, and stated that they would be their friends if
they would submit to them, and that they would defend
them from all their enemies on every side, but that they
would kill all the cattle of those that refused to obey them.
So they hearkened to their proposals (for they could do
nothing else), and sent them as many sheep as were re¬
quired of them, so that their forces grew greater, and they
became lords over all they pleased, because they made
sudden and unexpected raids, so that everybody who
had to do with them chose to pay them court, and they
became formidable to such as came to assault them, till
the report about them came to the ears of the king of
Parthia himself.

§ 2. Now when the satrap of Babylonia heard of this,
desiring to nip them in the bud, before greater mischief
should arise from them, he got together as great an army
as he could, both of Parthians and Babylonians, and
marched against them, thinking to attack them and destroy
them, before any one should carry them the news that he
had got an army together. He then encamped in the
marshes, and lay still, but on the next day, (which was
the Sabbath, which is among the Jews a day of rest from
all work,) supposing that the enemy would not dare to
fight him thereon, but that he could take and carry
them off prisoners without fighting, he advanced stealthily,
and thought to take them by surprise. Now Asinseus
was sitting with the rest, and their weapons lay be¬
side them, and he said, “ Men, I hear a neighing of
horses, not of such as are feeding, but such as have riders
on their backs, for I also hear the noise of their bridles,
and am afraid that some enemies are stealing upon us to
surround us. However, let somebody go and reconnoitre,

316 THE WORKS OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XVIII.

and mate a sure report of the present state of things; and
may vrhat I have said prove a false alarm ! ” And when he
had said this, some of them went to spy out what was the
matter, and soon came back and said to him, “Neither
were you mistaken in telling us what our enemies were
doing, nor will they permit us to do harm to people any
longer. We are caught by their stratagem, like brute
beasts, for there is a large body of cavalry marching upon
us, while we are destitute of hands to defend ourselves
with, because we are restrained from doing so by the pro¬
hibition of our law, which obliges us to rest [on this day.”]
But Asinseus did not by any means agree with the opinion
of his spy as to what was to be done, but thought it more
agreeable to the law to pluck up their spirits in this emer¬
gency, and break their law by avenging themselves, even if
they should die in the action, than by doing nothing to
please their enemies by submitting to be slain by them.
Accordingly, he took up his weapons, and infused courage
in those that were with him to act as bravely as himself.
So they engaged with their enemies, and slew a great many
of them, (because they despised them, and came as to a
certain victory,) and put the rest to flight.

§ 3. Now when the news of this fight came to the king of
Parthia, he was surprised at the boldness of these brothers,
and was desirous to see them, and speak with them. He
therefore sent the most trusty of all his body-guards
to say to them, “ King Artabanus, although he has
been wronged by you, as you have invaded his kingdom,
yet has more regard to your courageous behaviour than
to the anger he bears to you, and has sent me to offer
you his right hand and friendship, and he permits you
to come to him safely and without any injury on the road,
and he wants you to address yourselves to him as friends,
and means no guile or deceit to you. He also pro¬
mises to make you presents, and so to honour you as by
his power to augment your present fame.” But Asinseus
himself put off his journey there, but sent his brother
Anileeus with all such presents as he could procure. So he
went, and was admitted to the king’s presence; and when
Artabanus saw Anilseus coming alone, he inquired why
Asinseus had not come with him. And when he learnt

ANTIQUITIES OP THE JEWS.

317

CHAP. IX.]

that he was afraid, and stayed in the marshes, he took an
oath by the gods of his country, that he would do them no
harm, if they came to him upon the assurances he gave them,
and offered Anilseus his right hand, which is the greatest
pledge of security with all those barbarians to those who con¬
verse with them; for none of them will deceive you, when
once they have given you their right hands, nor will any one
doubt of their fidelity, when that is once given, even though
they were before suspected of an intention to harm you.
When Artabanus had done this, he sent away Anilseus to
try to persuade his brother to come to him. Now the king
acted in this way, because he wanted by the courage of
these Jewish brothers to curb his own satrapies, lest they
should violate their friendship with him, for they were
ripe for revolt, and disposed to rebel, and he was about to
make an expedition against them. He was also afraid
that, while he was engaged in a war in order to subdue
those satrapies that revolted, the party of Asinseus and the
Babylonians would be augmented, and either make war
upon him when they should hear of their revolt, or, if
they should be disappointed in that, would not fail of doing
him very much harm.

§ 4. With these intentions the king sent away Anilseus,
and Anilseus prevailed on his brother [to go to the king,]
when he had related to him the king’s good-will, and the
oath that he had taken ; accordingly, they made haste to
go to Artabanus. And he received them, when they were
come, with pleasure, and marvelled at Asinseus’ courage
in the actions he had done, and that because he was a little
man to look at, and at first sight appeared contemptible
also to such as met him, so that they might deem him of
no value at all, and he said to his friends that, upon both
being compared together, Asinseus showed his soul to be
superior to his body. And, as they were once drinking to¬
gether, he showed Asinseus to Abdagases, one of the generals
of his army, and told him his name, and described the great
courage he had exhibited in war. And when Abdagases
desired leave to kill him, and so to inflict punishment on
him for the injuries he had done to the Parthian kingdom,
the king replied, “ I will never give leave to kill a man who
has trusted in my good faith, especially after I have sent

318 THE W0BK3 OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XVIII.

him the offer of my right hand, and endeavoured to gain
his confidence by oaths by the gods. But if you are a good
warrior, you stand not in need of my perjury to avenge the
outraged Parthian kingdom. Attack this man, when he is
gone home, and conquer him by the forces that are under
your command, without my privity.” And the king sent
for Asinseus early in the morning, and said to him, “ It is
time for you, young man! to return home, and not to
provoke the indignation of my generals here any more,
lest they attempt to murder you, and that without my
approbation. I commit to you the country of Babylonia
in trust, that it may, by your care, be preserved free
from robbers, and from other mischief. I have kept my
faith inviolable to you, and that not in trifling matters, but
in such as concerned your safety, and I therefore deserve
your kindness in return.” When he had said this, and
given Asinseus some presents, he sent him away imme¬
diately. And he, when he was come home, built fortresses,
and made those that were previously built stronger, and
became great in a little time, and managed affairs with
such courage and success, as no other person, that had
had no higher a beginning, ever did before him. Those
Parthian governors also, who were sent that way, paid him
great respect; for the honour that was paid him by the
Babylonians seemed too small, and beneath his deserts,
although he was in no small dignity and power there: nay,
indeed, all the affairs of Mesopotamia depended on him,
and he flourished more and more in this happy condition
for fifteen years.

§ 5. But as the two brothers were in so flourishing a
condition, the beginning of calamity came upon them for
the following reason, after they had deviated from that
course of virtue whereby they had gained so great power,
and affronted and transgressed the laws of their fore¬
fathers, and fallen under the dominion of their lusts and
pleasures. A certain Parthian, who came as general of an
army into those parts, was accompanied by his wife,who had
a great reputation for other accomplishments, and was par¬
ticularly admired above all other women for her great
beauty; and Anilseus, the brother of Asinseus, either heard
of her beauty from others, or perhaps saw her himself

CHAP. II.]

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

319

also, and so at once became her lover and her enemy;
partly because he could not hope to enjoy her but by ob¬
taining power over her as his captive, partly because he
thought he could not conquer his passion for her. As
soon therefore as her husband had been declared an enemy
of theirs, and had fallen in a battle forced on him, the
widow of the deceased was captured and married to her
lover. However, she did not come into their house without
causing great misfortune not only to Anilseus himself, but
also to Asinseus, for she brought great mischief upon them
both from the following cause. When she was led away
captive, upon the death of her husband, she concealed the
images of those gods which were her and her husband’s
national gods, for it is the custom in that country for all to
keep the idols they worship in their own houses, and to
carry them along with them when they go into a foreign
land, according to which custom of theirs she carried her
idols with her. And at first she performed her worship of
them privately, but when she became Anilseus’ wife, she
worshipped them in her accustomed manner, and with the
same ceremonies which she used in her former husband’s
life. Thereupon their most esteemed friends first blamed
him for not acting after the manner of the Hebrews,
and for doing what was not agreeable to their laws,
in marrying a foreign wife, and one that neglected the
observance of their sacrifices and religious ceremonies ; and
bade him look to it, lest by conceding too much to the plea¬
sures of the body, he might lose his position and the power
which, by God’s blessing, he had arrived at. But, as they
prevailed not with him at all, he slew one of them, who was
most highly esteemed, because of the liberty he took with
him; and he, as he was dying from regard to the laws,
imprecated curses upon his murderer Anilseus, and upon
Asinseus also, and prayed that all their companions might
come to a like end from their enemies; the two first
as the principal actors in this lawlessness, and the rest
because they would not assist him when he suffered in
defending their laws. Now these latter were sorely
grieved, yet did they tolerate these doings, because they
remembered that they had arrived at their present happy
state by no other means than the bravery of the two

320 THE WORKS OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XVIII.

brothers. But when they also heard of the worship of
those gods whom the Parthians honour, they thought the
outrage that Anilseus offered to their laws could be borne
no longer; so a great number of them came to Asinseus,
and loudly complained of Anilseus, and told him, if he
had not previously noticed what was advantageous to
them, that now it was high time anyhow to correct what
had been done amiss, before the crime that had been
committed proved the ruin of himself and all the rest of
them. They added that the marriage of this woman
took place without their consent, and without regard
to their laws ; and that the worship which she paid
to her gods was an outrage to the God whom they wor¬
shipped. Now, Asinaeus knew that his brother’s offence
had been already the cause of great mischiefs, and would
continue to be so, but he tolerated it because of the good-will
he had to so near a relative, and made allowance for him,
considering that his brother was quite overcome by his
wicked passion which mastered him. But as more and
more came to him every day, and the clamours became
greater, he at last spoke to Anilseus about the matter, re¬
proving him for his former actions, and desiring him for
the future to leave them off, and send the woman back to
her relations. But nothing was gained by these reproofs.
And as the woman perceived what a tumult was made
among the people on her account, and was afraid for
Anilseus, lest he should come to any harm for his love to
her, she put poison into Asinseus’ food, and so took him
off, and was now free from fear, as her lover was now sole
judge of what should be done about her.

§ 6. When Anilseus had thus got all the power himself
alone, he led outhis army against the villages of Mithridates,
who was a leading man in Parthia, and had married king
Artabanus’ daughter, and plundered them. So he got
much money, and many slaves, and much cattle, and many
other things, which, when gained, make men’s condition
happy. Now, when Mithridates, who was in that region
at the time, heard that his villages were taken, he was very
enraged that Anilseus had begun to injure him, and to
affront him in his present dignity, though he had not
offered any injury to him previously; so he got together

CHAP. IX.]

antiquities of the jews.

321

the largest body of cavalry he was able, and picked out of
that number those who were in their prime, and went to
fight Anikeus. And when he was arrived at a certain
village of his own, he rested there, intending to fight
Anilseus on the day following, because it was the sabbath,
the day on which the Jews rest. And when Anilaeus was
informed of this by a Syrian stranger from another village,
who not only gave him an exact account of other circum¬
stances, but told him where Mithridates would feast, he
took his supper betimes, and marched by night, intending
to fall upon the Parthians while they were ignorant of
what he was going to do; and fell upon them about
the fourth watch of the night, and slew some of them
while they were asleep, and put others to flight, and took
Mithridates alive, and set him naked upon an ass, which
is esteemed the greatest reproach possible among the Par¬
thians. And when he had brought Mithridates into a
wood in such guise, 1 and his friends desired him to kill
him, he soon told them his own mind to the contrary : for
he said it was not well to kill a man who was one of the
principal families among the Parthians, and still more
honoured by contracting a royal marriage; that so far as
they had hitherto gone was tolerable ; for although they
had insulted Mithridates, yet if they preserved his life,
this benefit would be remembered by him to the advantage
of those that had conferred it on him ; but if he were once
put to death, the king would not rest till he had made a great
slaughter of the Jews that dwelt at Babylon, whose safety
they ought to regard, both on account of their relationship
to them, and because, if any misfortune befell them, they
had no other place to retire to, since the king had got the
flower of their youth. By this suggestion and speech of
his made in council he persuaded them, so Mithridates was
let go. But when he returned home, his wife reproached
him, that, although he was son-in-law to the king, he
neglected to avenge himself on those who had insulted
him, and took no heed of it, but was contented to have
been made captive by the Jews, and to have escaped them.
And she bade him either go back like a man of courage, or

1 I read wopicrfiaTOC. What can opta/xaroc mean here ?
T

III.

322 THE WORKS OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XVIII.

else she swore by the gods of their royal family, that she
would certainly dissolve her marriage with him. Upon
this, partly because he could not endure the annoyance of
her daily taunts, partly because he was afraid of her high
spirit, lest she should in earnest dissolve her marriage with
him, he unwillingly, and against his inclinations, got
together again as large an army as he could, and marched
along with them, himself now thinking it insufferable that
he, a Parthian, should be defeated by a Jew who warred
against him.

§ 7. Now as soon as Anilseus heard that Mithridates was
marching with a large force against him, he thought it
ignoble to remain in the marshes, and not to be first in
meeting his enemies, and he hoped to have the same
success, and to beat the enemy as he had done before; so he
ventured boldly upon the like attempt. Accordingly, he
led out his army, and a great many more men joined them¬
selves to his army, to betake themselves to plunder other
persons’ property, and to terrify the enemy again first by
their appearance. But when they had marched ninety fur¬
longs, as their road lay through waterless places, they be¬
came very thirsty about the middle of the day, and Mithri¬
dates suddenly appeared, and fell upon them, as they were
in distress for want of water, on which account, and on
account of the time of day, they were not able to hear
their weapons. So Anilseus and his men were put to an
ignominious rout, as they were faint and yet had to attack
men that were fresh and in good plight; so a great
slaughter was made, and many ten thousands killed. Now
Anilseus and all that remained round him fled as fast
as they were able into a wood, and gave Mithridates
the pleasure of having gained a great victory over them.
And now there flocked unto Anilseus a countless number of
bad men, who regarded their own lives very little, if they
might but gain some present ease, so that, by their
thus coming to him, they compensated for the number of
those that had perished in the fight. But they were not
equal in quality to those that had fallen, because they had
had no practice in war ; however, with them Anilseus at¬
tacked the villages of the Babylonians, and a mighty de¬
struction of all things there was made by his violence. So

CHAP. IX.]

ANTIQUITIES OP THE JEWS.

323

the Babylonians, and those that joined in the war, sent to
Naarda to the Jews there, and demanded them to deliver
up Anilaeus. And although they did not obey their demand
(for if they had been willing to deliver him up, it was not
in their power to do so), yet did they desire to make peace
with them. To which the others replied, that they
also wanted conditions of peace, and sent envoys with
the Babylonians, to treat with Anilaeus about peace. But
the Babylonians, having made a reconnaissance, and
found out where Anilaeus and his men were encamped,
fell secretly upon them as they were drunk and had fallen
asleep, and slew with impunity all of them they fell in
with, and killed Anilaeus himself also.

§ 8. The Babylonians were now freed from Anilaeus’
raids (which had been a great hindrance to their carrying
out their hatred to the Jews, for they were almost always
at variance because of the difference of their laws, and
whichever party grew boldest attacked the other first), and
so now, upon the slaughter of Anilaeus’ party, they at¬
tacked the Jews. And they, dreading the injuries they
received from the Babylonians, and being unable to fight
them, and thinking it intolerable to live with them,
migrated to Seleucia, 1 the principal city in those parts,
which was built by Seleucus Nicator; and was inhabited
by many Macedonians, but principally by Greeks, and not
a few Syrians also dwelt there. And there did the Jews
take refuge, and lived there five years without any mis¬
fortunes. But in the sixth year a pestilence came upon
those at Babylon, and because of it a stampede took place
to Seleucia. And a still heavier calamity came upon them
for the reason which I am going to relate.

§ 9. The life of the Greeks' and Syrians in Seleucia was
mostly quarrelsome, and full of strife, though the Greeks
had the best of it. But when the Jews came there and
dwelt among them, there arose a sedition, and the Syrians
were too much for the Greeks, owing to the assistance of
the Jews, who are men that despise dangers, and are very
ready to fight upon any occasion. Now, as the Greeks had
the worst in this sedition, and saw that they had but one

1 See Antiq. siii. 7, § 1.

324

THE WORKS OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XIX.

way of recovering their former authority, and that was, if
they could prevent the unity of the Jews and Syrians, they
each talked with such of the Syrians as were formerly
acquainted with them, and offered to he at peace and
friendship with them. And they gladly agreed to this,
and a conference was held by both parties ; and as the prin¬
cipal men of both nations agreed to a reconciliation, it
was soon brought about. And when they were so agreed,
they both felt that the chief token of such a union would
be common hostility to the Jews ; so they fell upon them
suddenly, and slew about fifty thousand of them. Indeed
the Jews were all destroyed, except a few who escaped
from the compassion of their friends or neighbours, and
migrated to Ctesiphon, 1 a Greek city near Seleucia, where
the king winters every year, and where the greatest part
of his treasures are deposited. But the Jews had no certain
settlement here, those of Seleucia having little concern for
the king’s honour. For the whole nation of the Jews were
afraid both of the Babylonians and Seleucians, because all
the Syrians that lived in those places agreed with the
Seleucians to war against the Jews: so most of them
gathered themselves together, and went to Naarda and
Nisibis, 2 and obtained security there from the strength of
those cities ; and also their inhabitants, who were a great
many, were all warlike men. Such was the state of the
Jews in Babylonia.

1 On the left bank of the Tigris. See Antiq. xviii. 2, § 4.

a See Antiq. xviii. 9, § 1.

CHAP. I.]

antiquities of the jews.

325

BOOK XIX.

CONTAINING THE INTERVAL OF THREE TEARS AND A HALF.
—FROM THE DEPARTURE OF THE JEWS OUT OF BABYLON,
TO FADUS, THE ROMAN PROCURATOR.

CHAP. I.

How Caius was slain ly Choerea, Cassius.

§ 1 -

N OW Caius showed his outrageous madness not only to
the Jews at Jerusalem, or to those that dwelt in
Judaea, but also exhibited it in every land and sea that was
subject to the Romans, and filled the empire with ten
thousand woes, such as no former history relates. But
Rome itself felt the most dire effects of his acts, as he held
it in not a whit more honour than all other cities, but
savagely oppressed all its citizens, and especially the senate
and patricians, and such as were honoured for their illus¬
trious ancestors. He also found out ten thousand devices
against those of the equestrian order, as it was called,
who were esteemed by the citizens equal in dignity and
wealth to the senators, because out of them the senators
were themselves chosen; he treated these in an igno¬
minious manner, and degraded them from their position,
and they were not only slain, but their wealth plundered,
for he slew men generally in order to seize on their riches.
He also asserted his own divinity, and insisted on greater
honours being paid him by his subjects than are due to
mankind, for he frequented the temple of Jupiter which
they call the Capitol, which is among the Romans the
most honoured of all their temples, and had the audacity
to call Jupiter his brother. And other things he did like
a madman, as when he laid a bridge from the city of

326 THE WORKS OP PLAVITJS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK III.

Dicsearchia 1 in Campania to Misenum, 3 another city upon
the seaside, a distance of thirty furlongs by sea from
one promontory to the other. And this he did because
he disliked crossing over in a trireme, and thought also
that it became him to make that bridge, since he was lord
of the sea, and might demand from it as much as from
the land, so he enclosed the whole bay within his bridge,
and drove his chariot over it, and thought that, as he was
a god, it was fit for him to make such roads as this was.
Nor did he abstain from the plunder of any of the Greek
temples, but gave orders that all the paintings and sculp¬
tures, and the rest of the ornaments of the statues and
votive offerings should be brought to him, saying that
beautiful things ought to be set nowhere but in the best
place, and that was the city of Rome. He also adorned
his own house and gardens with what was brought from
those temples, as also his houses which he occasionally
stayed at when he travelled in Italy ; and he did not scruple
to command that the statue of Olympian Zeus, the work
of Phidias the Athenian, which was honoured by the Greeks,
should be transferred to Rome. But he did not compass
his end in this, for the architects told Memmius Regulus,
who was commanded to remove that statue of Zeus, that it
would be broken if it were removed. It is also reported
that Memmius, both on that account, and on account of
some mighty prodigies such as are of an incredible nature,
deferred the removing it, and wrote these circumstances
to Caius, as his apology for not having done what his
letter required of him ; and when he was in consequence
in danger of his life, he was saved by Caius dying himself,
before he had him put to death.

§ 2. Nay, Caius’ madness rose to such a height, that when
he had a daughter born, he carried her into the Capitol,
and put her upon the knees of the statue, and Baid that
the child was common to him and to Jupiter, and affirmed
that she had two fathers, but which of these fathers was
the greatest he left undetermined. And yet men put
up with such actions! He also gave leave to slaves to

1 Puteoli. Pozzuoli.

3 Now Casaluce, on the south side of the Porto di Miseno, at the
northern limit of the Bay of Naples,

CHAP. I.]

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

327

accuse their masters of any crimes whatever they pleased;
for all such accusations were terrible, because they were in
great part made to please him and at his suggestion, inso¬
much that Pollux, Claudius’ slave, had the boldness to lay
an accusation against Claudius himself, and Caius was not
ashamed to be present, and to hear the trial for his life
of his own uncle, in hope of being able to take him off,
although the result did not turn out to his mind. But
when he had filled the whole world which he governed with
false accusations and miseries, and had made slaves in a
great measure their masters’ masters, many plots were laid
against him, for some conspired against his life in rage
and to revenge themselves for the miseries they had
already undergone from him, and others to take him off
before they should fall into such great miseries. And so
his death happened very opportunely for the preservation
of the laws of all nations, and had a great influence upon
the public welfare, and happened most happily for our
nation in particular, which would almost have utterly
perished if he had not been soon slain. I intend to give
a complete account of his murder, especially as it affords
great proof of the power of God, and great comfort to those
who are in afflictions, and soberness to those who think
their happiness will never end, instead of bringing them at
last to the most enduring miseries, if they do not conduct
their lives by the principles of virtue.

§ 3. Now there were three conspiracies made to murder
Caius, and each of these three was headed by excellent
persons. iEmilius Regulus, a native of Corduba 1 in Iberia,
got some men together, and was desirous to take Caius off
either by them, or by himself. Another conspiracy was
laid under the lead of Chaerea Cassius, a tribune [of the
Praetorian guard], Minucianus Annius was also one of
great consequence among those that were prepared to put
an end to Caius’ tyranny. Now the reasons of these men’s
hatred and conspiracy against Caiuswereas follows. Regulus
had indignation and hatred against all injustice (for he
was by nature hot-tempered and frank, which made him
not conceal his counsels; so he communicated them

Cordova in Spain.

328

THE WOBKS OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHU3. [BOOK XIX.

to many of his friends, and to others who seemed to
him men of action) ; and Minucianus entered into con¬
spiracy, because of the injustice done to Lepidus his par¬
ticular friend, and one of the best of all the citizens, whom
Caius had slain, and also because he was afraid of him
himself, as Caius’ wrath revelled in the slaughter of all
alike: and as for Chserea, he thought it no illiberal deed
to kill Caius, being ashamed of Caius constantly twitting
him with being effeminate, 1 as also because he was him¬
self in danger every day from his friendship with Caius,
and the observance he paid him. These men opened then-
plot to all who saw the injuries that were done them, and
who were desirous that by Caius’ death they might escape
all this: for perhaps they would succeed, and it would
be a happy thing if they should to have so many excel¬
lent fellow-conspirators, who earnestly wished to share
in their design for the delivery of the city and empire, even
at the hazard of their own lives. But Chserea was the
most zealous of them all, not only from a desire of getting
himself the greatest name, but also because of his access
to Caius’ presence with less danger, because he was a
tribune [of the Praetorian guard], and so could the more
easily kill him.

§ 4. Now at this time came on the horse-races, the view
of which games is eagerly desired by the people of Borne,
for they come with great alacrity into the Circus at such
times, and crowd round in great multitudes, and petition
their emperors for what they stand in need of; and they
usually do not think fit to deny them their requests, but
readily and graciously grant them. Accordingly now they
most importunately desired that Caius would ease them in
their tributes, and abate somewhat of the rigour of the taxes
imposed upon them. Buthe would notlisten to their petition,
and, as their clamours increased, he sent soldiers, some one
way, and some another, and gave orders that they should
arrest those that made the clamours, and without any
more ado, bring them out, and put them to death. These
were Caius’ commands, and those who were commanded
carried them out, and the number of those slain on this

See Suetonius, Caligula, 56.

CHAP. I.J

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

329

occasion was very great. Now the people saw this, and
bore it, and soon left off clamouring, because they saw
with their own eyes that this petition to be somewhat
relieved of the payment of their taxes brought imme¬
diate death upon them. These things made Chserea more
resolute to go on with his plot, in order to put an end
to this savageness of Caius against men. Frequently
he thought to fall upon Caius as he was feasting, but
he restrained himself by some considerations, not that he
had any doubt about killing him, but because he watched
for a proper season, that the attempt might not be in vain,
but might be carried out effectually.

§ 5. Chserea had been in the army a long time, but was
not pleased with much intercourse with Caius. And
when Caius appointed him to exact the tribute and other
dues, which, when not paid in due time, were forfeited to the
emperor’s treasury, he made some delay in exacting them,
because those burdens had been doubled, and rather in¬
dulged his own mild disposition than carried out Caius’
commands, and indeed provoked Caius to anger by his
sparing men, and pitying the hard fortunes of those from
whom he demanded the taxes, and Caius upbraided him
with his sloth and effeminacy in being so long about col¬
lecting the money. And indeed he not only affronted
him in other respects, but whenever he gave him the word
for the day in his turn, he gave him feminine words, 1 and
those of a very reproachful nature. And this he did,
having been initiated in the secrets of certain mysteries
which he had himself invented: for as he sometimes put
on women’s clothes, and devised false curls, and did a
great many other things, in order to get taken for a woman,
so he ventured to taunt Chserea with the like womanish
behaviour. And whenever Chserea received the word for the
day from him, he was indignant at it, but still more when¬
ever he had to pass it on to others, being laughed at by those
that received it, insomuch that his fellow-tribunes made him
their sport. For they would foretell that he would bring
them some of his usual amusing words whenever he was to
bring the word for the day from the emperor. For these

1 See Suetonius, Caligula , 56.

330 THE WORKS OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XIX.

reasons he took the bold step of joining to him certain asso¬
ciates, having just reasons for his indignation against Caius.
Now there was one Pompedius, a senator, who had gone
through almost all offices, but was in other respects an Epi¬
curean, and one who for that reason loved to lead an inactive
life. Now Timidius, an enemy of his, informed Caius that
Pompedius had used unseemly reproaches against him, and
called Quintilia as a witness, a woman who was much run
after by many that frequented the theatre, and also by Pom¬
pedius, because of her great beauty. Now as this woman
thought it monstrous to bear witness to a lying accusation
that touched the life of her lover, Timidius desired to
have her put to the torture. And Caius in his exasperation
commanded Chserea without any delay to torture Quintilia,
as he used to employ Chserea in such bloody matters, and
whenever the rack was required, because he thought he
would do it the more severely to avoid the imputation of
effeminacy. But Quintilia, when she was brought to the
rack, trod upon the foot of one of her associates, and let
him know, that he might be of good courage, and not be
afraid of any consequences from her tortures ; for she would
bear them bravely. And Chserea tortured her in a cruel
manner, unwillingly indeed, and only because he was
compelled to act so for his own safety, and then brought
her, without her being the least moved at what she had
suffered, into the presence of Caius, and that in such a
condition as was sad to behold. And Caius, being some¬
what affected by the sight of Quintilia, who had her body
miserably racked with pain, acquitted both her and Pom¬
pedius of the crime laid to their charge. He also gave
her money to make her honourable amends, and comfort
her for the injury to her body which she had suffered,
and for her glorious patience under such dreadful
torments.

§ 6. This matter sorely grieved Chserea, as having been
the cause, as far as he could be, of such miseries to human
beings as seemed worthy of consolation to Caius himself;
and he said to Clemens and to Papinius (of whom Clemens
was commander of the Prsetorian body-guard, and Papinius
tribune,) “ Certainly, Clemens, we have no way failed in
guarding the emperor; for as to those that have con-

CHAP. I.]

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

331

spired against, his government, some have been slain by
our forethought and pains, and some have been tortured
by us, and that to such a degree, that he has him¬
self pitied them. How great then is our virtue in sub¬
mitting to lead his armies! ” Clemens was silent, but
showed the shame he felt in obeying Caius’ orders both
by his looks and blushing countenance, though he thought
it by no means right to accuse the emperor in ex¬
press words, lest his own safety should be endangered
thereby. Upon this Chserea took courage, and spoke to
him without fear of danger, and descanted on the sore
calamities under which the city and empire then laboured,
and said, “We may indeed pretend in words that
Caius is the person to whom such miseries ought to be
imputed; but in the opinion of such as try to investi¬
gate the truth, it is I, O Clemens, and Papinius here, and
before us both you yourself, who bring these tortures upon
the Romans and upon all mankind, not by our being sub¬
servient to the commands of Caius, but by following our
own wish, for whereas it is in our power to put an end to
the life of this man, who has so terribly outraged the
citizens and his subjects, we are his body-guards and
executioners rather than soldiers, and are the instru¬
ments of his cruelty. We carry weapons not for our liberty,
nor for the Roman empire, but only for his preservation,
who has enslaved both the bodies and minds of his sub¬
jects, and we are every day polluted with the blood that
we shed, and the torments we inflict upon them, until some¬
body shall become Cains’ instrument in bringing the like
miseries upon ourselves. Nor does he thus employ us out
of good-will to us, but rather because he is suspicious of
us, as also because when many more have been killed
(for Caius will set no bounds to his wrath, since he acts thus
not out of regard to justice, but to his own pleasure,) we
shall also ourselves be a mark for his cruelty; whereas we
ought to be the means of confirming the security and
liberty of everybody, and at the same time we ought to re¬
solve to free ourselves from dangers.”

§ 7. Then Clemens openly commended Chserea’s inten¬
tion, but bade him be silent, for in case his words should
get out among many, and such things should spread abroad

332

THE WORKS OF FLA.VIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XIX.

as were well to be concealed, the plot would be discovered
before it was executed, and they would be brought to
punishment: so he recommended that they should leave
all to the future and the hope which arose thence that
some fortunate event would aid them; as for himself,
his age would not permit him to take any active part
in the attempt. “ Although perhaps,” he added, “ I could
suggest what might be safer than what you, Chserea, have
contrived and urged, yet how is it possible for any one to
suggest what is more for your reputation ? ” And Clemens
went his way home, reflecting on what he had heard, and
what he had himself said. Chserea was also in anxiety,
and went quickly to Cornelius Sabinus (who was himself
also a tribune, and one whom he also knew to be a
worthy man and lover of liberty, and so very much op¬
posed to the present management of public affairs), being
desirous to carry out quickly what had been determined,
and thinking it well for him to propose it to him, not only
being afraid lest Clemens should inform against them, but
also looking upon procrastination and delay as next door
to abandoning the enterprise.

§ 8. Now all this was agreeable to Sabinus, who had him¬
self the same design as Chserea, but had been silent for
want of a person to whom he could safely communicate
his views, so now having met with one, who not only pro¬
mised to conceal what he heard, but who also opened his
mind to him, he was much more encouraged, and desired
of Chserea that no delay might be made. So they went to
Minucianus, who was as virtuous a man, and as zealous to
do glorious actions, as themselves, and was suspected by
Caius on account of his murder of Lepidus; for Minucianus
and Lepidus had been intimate friends, and both in fear
of their common dangers. For Caius was terrible to all
great men, not ceasing to rage against each of them in
particular, and all of them in general; and men were
afraid of one another, while yet uneasy at the posture of
affairs, and hesitated to let one another see their mind
and hatred against Caius, from fear of danger, although
they perceived in other ways their mutual hatred of Caius,
and so did not cease to feel mutual good-will.

§ 9. When Minucianus and Chserea met together, and

CHAP. I.J

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

333

saluted one another, as they had been used in former
intercourse to give the first place to Minucianus, both on
account of his eminent merit (for he was the noblest of
all the citizens) and because he was highly commended by
all men, especially when he made speeches, Minucianus
began first, and asked Chaerea, what was the word he had
received for that day from Caius. For the insults which were
offered Chserea in giving the words for the day were notorious
all over the city. And Chserea made no delay to reply to that
question, from the joy he had that Minucianus had such
confidence in him as to discourse with him. “And do
you,” said he, “ give me Liberty as the word! And I re¬
turn you my thanks for having so greatly encouraged me
to exert myself in an extraordinary manner; nor do I
stand in need of many words to embolden me, if you and
I are of the same mind, and sharers in the same resolu¬
tion, even before this conversation. I have indeed but
one sword girt on, but it will be enough for us both.
Come on, therefore, let us set about the work. Do you go
first, if so minded, and bid me follow you, or else I will
go first, and you shall assist me, and I will rely on your
co-operation. Nor is there a necessity for even one sword
to such as have a mind disposed to action, for by the mind
the sword is wont to be sharpened. I am zealous about
this action, nor am I solicitous as to what I may myself
undergo; for I am not at leisure to consider the dangers
that may come upon myself, so deeply am I troubled at
the slavery of our once free country, and at the abeyance
of our excellent laws, and at the destruction which hangs
over all men’s heads owing to Caius. I hope that I may in
your judgment be esteemed worthy of credit in these matters,
seeing that we are both of the same opinion, and that there
is no difference between us.”

§ 10. When Minucianus saw the vehemence with which
Chaerea delivered himself, he gladly embraced him, and
encouraged him in his bold attempt, commending and
embracing him, and so let him go with his good wishes
and prayers. And some affirm that Minucianus confirmed
him in the execution of what had been agreed among
them. For, as Chserea entered the senate-house, they say
that a voice came from among the multitude to encourage

334 THE WORKS OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XIX.

him, which bade him finish what he was about, and take
the opportunity that providence afforded : and that Chserea
at first suspected that one of the conspirators had turned
traitor, and that he was detected, but at last perceived
that it was by way of exhortation, whether someone who
knew what he was about gave a signal for his en¬
couragement, or whether God himself, who looks upon
the actions of men, encouraged him to go on boldly in his
design. The plot had now been communicated to a great
many, and the conspirators were all armed, some of them
being senators, and some of the equestrian order, and all
the rest soldiers who were privy to the plot. For there was
not one of them who did not reckon it happiness to remove
Caius, and so they were all very zealous in the affair, however
they might compass it, and resolved not to be behindhand
in these virtuous designs, but to be ready with all their
alacrity and power, both in words and actions, to slay the
tyrant. Another conspirator was Callistus (who was a
freedman of Caius), and was the only man who had arrived
at a very great degree of power under him, such a power,
indeed, as was in a manner equal to the power of the
tyrant himself, from the dread that all men had of him,
and from the great riches he had acquired; for he took
bribes most freely, and insolently treated everybody, using
his power contrary to equity; he also knew the dispo¬
sition of Caius to be implacable, and never to be turned
from what he had once resolved on; he had also many
other reasons why he thought himself in danger, and not
least the vastness of his wealth. So he privately ingra¬
tiated himself with Claudius, and transferred his court to
him, hoping if, after the removal of Caius, the empire
should come to him, his interest in such changes would
lay a foundation for his preserving his position under
Claudius, as he would have laid in beforehand a stock of
gratitude and good-will. He had also the audacity to pre¬
tend that he had been ordered to kill Claudius by poison,
but had contrived ten thousand ways of delaying to do it.
But it seems probable to me that Callistus only pretended
this to ingratiate himself with Claudius, for if Caius had
resolved in earnest to take off Claudius, he would not have
admitted of excuses from Callistus, nor would Callistus have

CHAP. I.]

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

335

put it off, if he had been enjoined to do such an act because it
was desired by Caius, or, if he had disobeyed those injunc¬
tions of his master, he would have had immediate punish¬
ment : so that Claudius was preserved from the madness
of Caius by a certain divine providence, and Callistus pre¬
tended to have done him such a kindness as he never had done.

§ 11. However, the execution of Chterea’s design was
put off from day to day, from the hesitation of many of
the conspirators: for as to Chserea himself, he did not
willingly make any delay in carrying it out, thinking every
time a fit time for it. For frequent opportunities offered
themselves, as when Caius went up to the Capitol to sacri¬
fice for his daughter, or when he stood on the roof of his
royal palace, and threw pieces of gold and silver among
the people, he might be pushed down headlong, because
the roof of the palace overlooking the forum was very
high; and also when he celebrated the mysteries which he
had himself instituted, he might easily he attached, for he was
then no way secluded from the people, but solicitous to do
every thing formally and duly, and was free from all sus¬
picion that he would then be attacked by any body. And
although the gods should afford Chserea no indication that
he would be able to take away Caius’ life, yet had he
strength sufficient to despatch him even without a sword.
So Chserea was angry with his fellow-conspirators, fearing
they would suffer opportunities to slip by ; and they were
sensible that he had just cause to be angry at them, and
that his eagerness was for their advantage ; however, they
desired that he would have a little longer patience, lest, if
their attempt failed, they should agitate the city, and when
search should be made for the conspirators, should make
the courage of those that were to attack Caius ineffec¬
tual, as he would then secure himself more carefully
than ever against them. They thought therefore that
it would be best to set about the work when the shows
were exhibited in the palace. These shows were acted
in honour of that Caesar 1 who first changed the common-

1 Here Josephus supposes that it was Augustus, and not Julius
Caesar, who first changed the Roman commonwealth into a monarchy ;
for these shows were in honour of Augustus, as we shall learn in the
next section but one.— W.

336 THE WORKS OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XIX.

wealth into a monarchy; galleries being fixed before the
palace, where the Romans that were patricians sat as spec¬
tators, with their children and wives, and the emperor him¬
self also; and the conspirators reckoned, as many ten
thousands would be crowded there in a narrow space, that
they would have a favourable opportunity to make their
attack upon Caius as he came in ; because his body-guards,
even if any of them had a mind to do so, would not be
able to give him any assistance.

§ 12. Chaerea consented to this delay, and it was re¬
solved to do the deed the first day that the shows were
exhibited. But fortune, which allowed a further delay,
was too much for their preconcerted plan, and, as three
days of the regular time usual for these shows were
now over, they had much ado to get the business done
on the last day. So Chaerea called the conspirators
together, and spoke to them as follows. “ So much time
passed away without effect is a reproach to us, for delaying
to go through such a virtuous design as we are engaged
in; but this delay will prove more fatal, if we be dis¬
covered and the design be frustrated; for Caius will then
become much more savage. Do we not see how long we
deprive all our friends of their liberty, and give Caius
leave still to tyrannize over them, whereas we ought to
have procured them security for the future, and by laying a
foundation for the happiness of others, have gained for our¬
selves great admiration and honour for all time to come ? ”
Now, as the conspirators had nothing particular to say by
way of contradiction, and yet did not quite relish what
they were doing, but were silent and seemed dazed, he
said further, “ O my brave comrades! why do we delay ?
Do not you see that this is the last day of these shows,
and that Caius is about to go to sea ? ” (for he had made pre¬
parations to sail to Alexandria in order to visit Egypt.) “ Is
it then for your honour to let a man go out of your hands
who is a reproach to mankind, and to permit him to go
about in a magnificent procession of Romans both by land
and sea ? Shall we not be justly ashamed of ourselves, if
some Egyptian or other, who shall think his injuries in¬
sufferable to freemen, shall kill him ? As for myself, I
will no longer bear your procrastination, but will expose

CHAP. I.]

ANTIQUITIES OP THE JEWS.

337

myself to the dangers of the enterprise this very day, and
hear cheerfully whatever shall be the consequences of the
attempt, let them be ever so great, for I will not put
off the affair any longer. For what can be more miserable
to a man of spirit than the thought that, while I am alive,
any one else should kill Caius, and deprive me of the honour
of so virtuous an action.”

§ 13. When Cliserea had spoken thus, he zealously set
about the work, and inspired courage into the rest to go on
with it, and they were all eager to fall to it without further
delay. And he was at the palace early in the morning, with
his equestrian sword girt on, for it was the custom that the
tribunes should ask for the word for the day from the em¬
peror with their swords on, and this was the day on which
Chierea’s turn was to receive the word. And the multitude
had already come to the palace, in great crowds and jostling
one another, to get a good place early for seeing the shows;
and Caius was delighted with this eagerness of the multi¬
tude, so no peculiar seats were appointed for the senators,
or for the equestrian order, but all sat-promiscuously, men
and women together, and free men mixed up with slaves.
So a way was made for Caius, and he offered sacrifice to
Csesar Augustus, in whose honour indeed these shows were
celebrated. Now it happened, as one of the victims was
slain, that the toga of Asprenas, a senator, was sprinkled
with blood, which made Caius laugh, and was an evident
omen to Asprenas, for he was slain at the same time with
Caius. It is also stated that Caius was that day, con¬
trary to his usual nature, so very affable and courteous in
his conversation, that every one of those that were present
were astonished. After the sacrifice was over, Caius be¬
took himself to see the shows, and sat down for that
purpose, and his chief friends sat round him. Now the
theatre was constructed as follows, as it was put together
every year. It had two doors, one leading to the open air,
the other for going in or out of the portico, that those
within the theatre might not be thereby disturbed; but
out of one gallery there was an inward passage, parted
into partitions also, which led into another gallery, to give
room to the combatants, and to the musicians, to go out
as occasion served. When the multitude had sat down,

z

hi.

338 THE WORKS OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK SIX.

and Chaerea and the other tribunes were not far from
Caius (now the right corner of the theatre was allotted to
the emperor), one Vatinius, a senator, and commander of the
praetorian hand, asked of Cluvius, who sat near him, and
was of consular dignity, whether he had heard any news
or not, but took care that nobody should hear what he
said. And when Cluvius replied, that he had heard no
news, “Know then,” said Yatinius, “that the play of
tyrannicide is to be played to-day.” And Cluvius said,
“ Brave comrade! hold thy peace, lest some other of the
Achaeans hear thy tale.” 1 And as there was much fruit
scrambled among the spectators, as also a great number
of birds of great value to such as got them on account of
their rarity, Caius was amused with the fights and scuffles
of the spectators for them. Here also I understand ” there
were two omens. For a Mime was introduced, in which
a leader of robbers was crucified, and the pantomimic
dancer brought in a play called Cinyras, wherein he him¬
self was slain and his daughter Myrrha, and wherein a
great deal of sham blood seemed to flow, both round
him that was crucified, and also round Cinyras. It is also
admitted, that this was the same day whereon Pausanias, a
friend of Philip (the son of Amyntas), king of Macedonia,
slew him as he was entering the theatre. And now
Caius was in doubt whether he would stay to the end of
the shows, as it was the last day, or whether he would not
go first to bathe and dine, and then return as on previous
days, when Minucianus, who sat above Caius, afraid that
the opportunity would fail them, got up, because he saw
that Chaerea had already gone out, and was hastening out
to confirm him in his resolution, when Caius took hold of
his garment in a free and easy way, and said to him, “ My
good fellow, where are you going ? ” Whereupon, out of
reverence to the emperor apparently, he sat down again,
but his fear prevailed, and in a little time he got up again,
and this time Caius did not at all oppose his going out,
thinking he went out to do some necessary act of nature.
And Asprenas, who was one of the conspirators also, per¬
suaded Caius to go out to bathe and dine, as he had done

1 An allusion to Homer, Iliad, xiv. 90.

2 I read fiavdavw.

CHAP. I.J

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

339

on previous days, and then to come in again, being de¬
sirous that what had been resolved on might be brought
to a conclusion immediately.

§ 14. And Chaerea and his associates posted themselves
as conveniently as they could, but it was not without great
effort that they could keep the place which was appointed
them. And they were put out by having to wait so long
to carry out their purpose, for it was already about the
ninth 1 hour of the day, and Chaerea, upon Caius’ tarrying
so long, had a great mind to go in to him and attack
him on his seat. He foresaw however that this could not
be done without much bloodshed, both of the senators, and
of those of the equestrian order that were present; but
although he knew this must result, yet had he a great
mind to do so, thinking it right to procure security and
freedom to all, even at the expense of such as might perish
at the same time. And as they were just going back to the
entrance to the theatre, the great applause told them that
Caius had risen up. Then the conspirators turned and
thrust back the crowd, on the pretext that they annoyed
Caius, but in reality being desirous to murder him securely
through depriving him of any to defend him. Now Claudius,
his uncle, and Marcus Vinicius, his sister’s husband, as also
Valerius Asiaticus, preceded him, and though the conspira¬
tors would have liked to thrust them out of the way too,
respect to their dignity hindered them from doing so, and
Caius came last with Paulus Arruntius. And when Caius
got within the palace, he left the direct road, along which
his servants stood that were in waiting, and which Claudius
and those with him had taken, and turned aside into a
private narrow passage, in order to go to the baths, as
also to look at some boys that had come from Asia, who
had been sent from thence partly to sing hymns in the
mysteries which were now being celebrated, partly to dance
the Pyrrhic dance at the theatres. And Chserea met him,
and asked him for the word ; and upon Caius’ giving him
one of his mocking words, Chserea immediately reproached
him, and drew his sword, and gave him a terrible but not

1 Suetonius says Caius was slain about the seventh hour of the day ;
Josephus, about the ninth. The series of the narration favours Josephus.
—W.

340 THE WORKS OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XIX.

mortal stroke with it. And although some say that it was
so contrived on purpose by Chserea, that Caius should not
be killed at one blow, but should be punished more severely
by a number of wounds, yet this story appears to me in¬
credible, because the fear men are in in such actions does
not allow them to use their reason. And if Chserea was of
that mind, I esteem him the greatest of all fools, for so
indulging his spite against Caius, rather than immediately
procuring safety to himself and his fellow-conspirators
from the danger they were in; for many things might still
happen for Caius’ help, if he had not already given up the
ghost. For certainly Chserea would not regard so much
the punishment of Caius as himself and his friends, when
it was in his power after such success to keep silent, and to
escape the wrath of Caius’ defenders; far less, when it was
uncertain whether he had gained the end he aimed at or
not, would he in a stupid way have been likely to act as if
he had a mind to ruin himself, and lose the opportunity.
But every one may conjecture as he pleases about this
matter. However, Caius staggered from the pain that the
blow gave him (for the sword wounded him between the
shoulder and the neck, but was prevented by the collar¬
bone from proceeding any further,) but did not either cry
out in his astonishment, or call out for any of his friends;
whether he had no confidence in them, or because he was
lightheaded, but he groaned from the excessive pain, and
moved forward to flee. Then Cornelius Sabinus, who had
already made up his mind, received him and thrust him
down upon his knee, and many others stood round about
him with one consent, and hacked at him with their swords,
and encouraged one another to repeat their blows. And all
agree that Aquila gave him the finishing stroke, which
instantly killed him. But one may justly ascribe this
murder to Chserea, for although many had a hand in the
act itself, yet was he the first contriver of it, and began
long before all the rest to prepare for it, and was the first
that spoke boldly of it to the rest; and upon their approv¬
ing of the project, he got the dispersed conspirators to¬
gether, and prepared every thing in a clever manner, and
by suggesting good advice showed himself far superior
to the rest, and conciliated them by clever speeches, inso-

CHAP. I.]

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JETTS.

341

much that he compelled even the timid to go on with the
enterprise, and when the time came for action, he appeared
ready first and gave the first blow, and also brought Caius
easily into the power of the rest, and almost tilled him
himself, insomuch that it is but just to ascribe all that the
rest did to the advice and bravery of Chserea, and to the
labours of his hands.

§ 15. Thus did Caius come to his end, and lay dead from
the many wounds which had been given him. And Chaerea
and the other conspirators, now Caius was dead, saw that
it was impossible for them to save themselves if they should
all go the same way. For not only were they unnerved by
what they had done (for they had incurred no small danger
by killing an emperor who was honoured and loved by the
madness of the people, and the soldiers were likely to make
a bloody inquiry after his murderers), but the road was
narrow where the deed was done, and also crowded with a
great number of Caius’ attendants, and with such of the
soldiers as were the emperor’s guard that day. So they
went by different ways, and reached the house of Germani-
cus, the father of Caius whom they had just killed (which
house joined on to the palace ; for though the palace was one
edifice, it had been built in its several parts by previous em¬
perors, and those parts bore the names of those that built
them, or the name of him who had begun to build any of
them), and so they got away from the attack of the multi¬
tude, and were for the present out of danger, as long as
what had happened to the emperor was not known. The
Germans were the first that perceived that Caius was slain.
These Germans were his body-guards, and had their name
from the country where they had been enlisted, and com¬
posed the Celtic legion. The men of that country are
naturally passionate, which is not unfrequently the temper
of some other of the barbarous nations also, as they do not
much reason about what they do, but are strong in their
bodies, and rush upon their enemies at the first onset,
and wherever they go perform great exploits. When,
therefore, they knew that Caius was slain, they were very
sorry for it, because they did not judge public affairs on
their merits, but measured them by the advantages they
themselves received, (Caius being beloved by them because

342 THE WORKS OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XIX.

of the money he gave them, by which he had purchased
their good-will,) so they drew their swords, and Sabinus
led them on. He was their tribune, not because of the
virtue and nobility of his ancestors, for he had only been a
gladiator, but he had obtained that position over these men
by his strength of body. Now these Germans marched along
the houses in quest of Caius’ murderers, and cut Asprenas
to pieces, because he was the first man they fell in with,
whose garment the blood of the sacrifice had stained, as I
have stated already, which was ominous that his meeting with
the soldiers would not be for his good. The next that met
them was Norbanus, who was one of the noblest of the
citizens, and could show many generals of armies among
his ancestors, but they paid no regard to his rank, but
he was of such great strength, that he wrested the sword
of the first of those that assaulted him out of his hands,
and showed plainly that he would not die without a fight
for his life, but he was surrounded at last by a great num¬
ber of assailants, and died in consequence of the many
wounds which he received. The third they met was
Anteius, a senator, and a few others were with him. He
did not meet these Germans by chance, as the rest did be¬
fore, but came to show his hatred to Caius, and to feast
his eyes with seeing Caius lie dead, and took a pleasure in
the sight, because Caius had banished Anteius’ father, who
was of the same name as himself, and, not being satisfied
with that, had despatched soldiers to slay him. So he
had come to rejoice at the sight of him, now he was dead;
but as the house was now all in confusion, though he tried
to hide himself, he could not escape the careful search
which the Germans made, for they barbarously slew alike
those that were guilty and those that were innocent. And
thus were these persons slain.

§ 16. But when the news that Caius was slain reached
the theatre, there was both panic and incredulity. For
some that heard of his destruction with great pleasure,
and were more desirous of its happening than of almost
any other satisfaction that could come to them, could
not believe it for fear. There were also others who greatly
distrusted it, because they were unwilling that any such
thing should happen to Caius, nor could they believe it.

CHAP. I.] ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 343

though ever so true, because they thought no one able to
kill Caius. These were the women, and youths, and slaves,
and some o£ the soldiers. These last had taken his pay,
and in a manner tyrannized with him, and had ill-treated
the best of the citizens, in obedience to his outrageous com¬
mands, and to gain honours and advantages to them¬
selves ; and the women and youths had been captivated, as
crowds are, with shows, and the fightings of gladiators,
and distributions of meat, all which things were done
nominally to please the multitude, but in reality to
glut the savage madness of Caius. The slaves also were
loth to believe the news, because they were allowed by
Caius to accuse and despise their masters, and they could
have recourse to his assistance when they had acted in¬
solently to them; for he was very easy in believing them
against their masters, even when they accused them falsely ;
and, if they would discover what money their masters had,
they might soon obtain both liberty and riches as the
reward of their accusations, because the eighth part of
their masters’ substance was assigned to these informers. 1
As to the patricians, although the report appeared credible
to some of them, either because they knew of the plot
beforehand, or because they wished it might prove true,
they concealed not only the joy they felt at the news, but that
they had heard any news at all. These last acted so from
the fear they had that, if the report proved false, they
would be punished for having so soon let men know their
minds. And those that knew Caius was dead, because
they were privy to the conspiracy, concealed it still more,
not knowing one another’s minds, and fearing lest they
should speak of it to some of those to whom the continuance
of tyranny was advantageous, and if Caius should prove
after all to be alive, they might be informed against and
punished, for another report went about, that although
Caius had been wounded indeed, he was not dead, but still
alive, and under the surgeon’s hands. Nor was any one
looked upon by another as one to be trusted, and to whom
one might boldly open one’s mind; for he was either a

1 The reward proposed by the Roman laws to informers was some¬
times an eighth part of the criminal’s goods, as here, and sometimes a
fourth part, as Spanheim assures us from Suetonius and Tacitus.—W.

344 THE WORKS OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XIX.

friend to Caius, and therefore suspected to favour his
tyranny, or he was one that hated him, and therefore
might he suspected to deserve the less credit for what he
said, because of his ill-will to him. It was also reported by
some, (who deprived the patricians of all their hopes, and
made them sad indeed), that Caius despised the danger
he had been in, and took no care to heal his wounds,
but had got away to the forum, bloody as he was, and was
making an harangue to the people. And these were the
conjectural reports of those that were so unreasonable as
to endeavour to raise tumults, which were received different
ways according to the opinions of the hearers. However,
they did not leave their seats, for fear of being accused if
they should go out before the rest; for they would not be
judged by the real intention with which they went out, but
by the conjectures of the accusers and judges.

§ 17. But when the multitude of Germans surrounded
the theatre with their swords drawn, all the spectators
looked for nothing but death, and upon every one’s coming
in a fear seized upon them, as if they would be cut in
pieces immediately; and they were in great anxiety, not
having courage enough to go out of the theatre, and yet
not believing themselves safe from danger if they stayed
there. And when the Germans rushed in, the theatre
rang again with the cries and entreaties of the spec¬
tators to the soldiers, for they pleaded that they were
entirely ignorant of every thing that related to an insur¬
rection, and if any insurrection had been raised, they knew
nothing of what had happened. They therefore begged
that they would spare them, and not punish those that had
not the least hand in such bold crimes of other persons,
while they neglected to search after those who had really
done whatever had been done. Then did they appeal to
God, and deplore their infelicity with shedding of tears
and beating of their faces, and said every thing that the
most imminent danger, and the utmost concern for their
lives, could dictate to them. This broke the fury of the
soldiers, and made them repent of what they had intended
to do to the spectators, for that would have been barbarous,
and so it appeared even to these savages, who fixed the heads
of those that were slain with Asprenas upon the altar. At

CHAP. I.]

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

345

this dreadful sight the spectators were sorely afflicted, both
from the consideration of the rank of the persons, and
commiseration at their sufferings; nay, indeed, they were
almost in as great terror at the prospect of the danger they
themselves were in, seeing it was still uncertain whether they
should to the end escape the like calamity. And thus it came
about that such as thoroughly and justly hated Caius, were
yet robbed of pleasure at his death, because they were
themselves iu jeopardy of perishing with him, nor had they
as yet any firm assurance of surviving.

§ 18. There was at this time one Euaristus Arruntius, a
public crier in the market, and therefore of a powerful
voice, who vied in wealth with the richest of the Romans,
and was able to do what he pleased in the city both now
and afterwards. This man made himself look as mournful
as he could, (although he had greater hatred against Caius
than any one else, but his fear and astuteness to secure his
own safety taught him to conceal his present pleasure) and
put on such mourning as he would have done had he lost
his dearest friend in the world, and went to the theatre,
and announced the death of Caius, and so put an end
to the state of ignorance as to what had happened that
people were in. Paulus Arruntius also went round, and
called out to the Germans, as did the tribunes with him,
bidding them put up their swords, and telling them that
Caius was dead. And this most certainly saved the lives
of those that were assembled together in the theatre, and
all the rest who any way met the Germans; for, while they
had hopes that Caius had still any breath in him, they ab¬
stained from no sort of mischief; and such an abundant
kindness had they still for Caius, that they would willingly
have prevented the plot against him, and purchased his
escape from such an end at the expense of their own lives.
But they left off their eagerness to punish his enemies, now
they were fully satisfied that Caius was dead, because it
was now in vain for them to show their zeal and kindness
to him, as he that would reward them had perished. They
were also afraid, if they went on doing such injuries, that
they would be punished by the senate, if the authority de¬
volved on them, or by the next emperor. And thus at
last a stop was put, though not without difficulty, to the

346 THE WORKS OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XIX.

rage which possessed the Germans on account of Caius’
death.

§ 19. Now Chserea was so much afraid for Minucianus,
lest he should fall in with the Germans, now they were in
their fury, and be killed by them, that he went and spoke
to every one of the soldiers, and prayed them to take care
of his preservation, and made himself great inquiry about
him, lest he should have been slain. As for Clemens, he
let Minucianus go (for he was brought to him) and, with
many other of the senators, affirmed the deed was right,
and commended the virtue of those that had contrived it,
and had had courage enough to execute it; and said that
tyrants did indeed please themselves with tyranny and look
big for a while, but did not, however, go happily out of
the world, because they were hated by the virtuous, and
perished miserably like Caius, who had become a con¬
spirator against himself, before those men who attacked
him had plotted against him, and by becoming intolerable
in his outrages, and by setting aside the wise provision the
laws had made, had taught his dearest friends to treat him
as an enemy, so that, though in common parlance the con¬
spirators had slain Caius, yet in reality it was by his own
act that he now lay dead.

§ 20. Now by this time the people in the theatre had
risen from their seats, and those that were within made a
very great disturbance, the reason of which was that the
spectators were in too great a hurry to get away. There
was also one Halcyon, a surgeon, who hurried away, as
if to cure those that were wounded, and on that pretext
sent those that were with him to fetch what things were
necessary for the healing of those wounded persons, hut in
reality to free them from the imminent danger they were
in. Meantime the senate had met, and the people also had
assembled in the forum where they held their comitia, and
both were employed in searching after the murderers of
Caius. The people did this very zealously, but the senate
in appearance only ; for Valerius Asiaticus, a man of con¬
sular authority, went to the people, as they were troubled
and very uneasy that they could not yet discover who had
murdered the emperor, and when he was earnestly asked
by them all, who it was that had done it, he replied, “ I

CHAP. II.J

ANTIQUITIES OP THE JEWS.

347

wish I had.” The consuls also published an edict, wherein
they accused Caius, and ordered the people and soldiers to
go home, and gave the people hopes of abatement of their
grievances, and promised the soldiers if they kept quiet as
they used to do, and went not abroad to do mischief, that
they would bestow rewards upon them. For there was
reason to fear that the city would suffer harm from their
wild behaviour, if they should once betake themselves to
spoiling the citizens or plundering the temples. And now
the whole multitude of the senators were assembled to¬
gether, and especially those that had conspired to take
away the life of Caius, who put on at this time an air of
great assurance and great contempt of others, as if the
administration of public affairs had already devolved upon
them.

CHAP. II.

How the Senators wished to restore the Republic; but the
soldiers were for preserving the Monarchy. The Murder
of Caius’ Wife and Daughter. The character of Caius.

§!■

W HEN public affairs were in this condition, Claudius
was suddenly hurried away out of his house. For
the soldiers held a meeting, and when they had debated
about what was to be done, they saw that a democracy
was incapable of managing such a vast weight of public
affairs, and that if it should be set up it would not be for
their advantage : and if one of those already in power
should become emperor, it would in all respects be unsatis¬
factory to them, if they did not assist him in his advance¬
ment • it would therefore be well for them, while public
affairs were still unsettled, to choose Claudius as em¬
peror, who was uncle to the deceased Caius, and of greater
dignity than any of those senators who were assembled to¬
gether, both on account of the virtue of his ancestors, and
the attention he had paid to learning, and who, if once
made emperor, would reward them according to their de¬
serts, and bestow largesses upon them. This was their

348 THE WORKS or FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XIX.

plan, and they executed it immediately. Claudius was
therefore seized upon by the soldiers. But Cnseus Sentius
Satuminus, although he had heard of the seizing of Clau¬
dius, and that he intended to claim the throne, unwillingly
indeed in appearance, but in reality with his consent, stood
up in the senate, and, without being dismayed, addressed
them in a manner suitable to free and noble men, and spoke
as follows.

§ 2. “ Although it seems incredible, O Homans, because
of the great length of time since so unexpected an event
has happened, yet are we now in possession of liberty.
How long indeed it will last is uncertain, and lies at the
disposal of the gods, whose grant it is, yet is it sufficient to
make us rejoice, and be happy for the present, although
we may soon be deprived of it; for to those that love virtue
one hour is sufficient spent in freedom in our country, which
is now independent and governed by such laws as it once
flourished under. As for myself, I cannot remember our
former time of liberty, for I was bom after it had passed
away, but I am beyond measure filled with joy at the
thought of our present freedom, and esteem those happy
men that were bom and bred up in it, and I think these
men worthy of no less honour than the gods themselves,
who have, though late, given us a taste of it in this age.
May secure enjoyment of it continue to all ages: though
this single day may suffice for our youth, as well as for our
old men. It will seem an age to our old men, if they die
during its happy duration ; it will also instmct our younger
men what kind of virtue those men had from whom we
are sprung. As for ourselves, nothing will be more to
our advantage in the present than to live virtuously, for it is
virtue alone that can preserve men their liberty. As to our
ancient state I have heard from others, but as to our later
state, I have personally seen and known what mischiefs
tyrannies have brought upon our polity, discouraging all
virtue, and depriving persons of magnanimity of their
liberty, and teaching flattery and fear, because they leave
public affairs to be governed not by the wisdom of the laws,
but by the caprice of our rulers. For since Julius Caesar
took it into his head to overthrow our democracy, and, by
violating the regular system of our laws, brought disorders

CHAP. II.]

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

349

into our polity, and got above right and justice, and was a
slave to his own inclinations, there is no evil that has not
plagued our state, as all those that have succeeded him
have vied with one another to overthrow the ancient laws
of our country, and to leave it destitute of all citizens of
noble principles, because they thought it for their safety to
have only vicious men to deal with, and not only to break
the spirits of those that were best esteemed for their virtue,
but to resolve upon their utter destruction. Of all these
tyrants, who have been many in number, and who have
laid upon us an insufferable burden during their reigns,
this Caius, who has been slain to-day, has brought more
terrible calamities upon us than did all the rest, not only
by wreaking his ungovernable rage upon his fellow-citizens,
but also upon his kindred and friends, inflicting upon all
alike still greater miseries by exacting unjust punish¬
ments, being equally furious against men and against the
gods. For tyrants are not content to gain their pleasure
by doing injuries, or by tampering both with men’s es¬
tates and wives, but they look upon it as entire gain when
they can utterly overthrow the entire families of their
enemies. So hateful to tyrants is all liberty, nor can even
those gain their friendship that patiently endure whatever
miseries they bring on them. For as they are conscious of
the abundant evils they have brought on several, and how
nobly they have borne their hard fortune, they cannot but
be sensible what evils they have done them, and so only
think they can get security, so suspicious are they, by
putting them entirely out of the world. Since, then, we are
now got clear of so great a plague, and are only account¬
able to one another (which form of government affords us
the best assurance of present concord and future security
from evil designs, and will be most for our own glory in
putting the state in good order), you ought every one of
you personally to look to the public interests of everybody,
nay, even to oppose measures which have been proposed that
you dislike, and that without any danger, because there
is now no irresponsible despot to do mischief to the state,
with absolute power to take off those that freely de¬
clare their opinions. Nor has any thing so much contri¬
buted to the increase of tyranny of late as sloth and timi-

350 THE WORKS OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XIX.

dity in contradicting the emperor’s will; for men had too
great love for the sweets of peace, and had learned to live
like slaves. And as many of us as either suffered intolerable
calamities, or saw the miseries of our neighbours, because
we dreaded dying virtuously, had the prospect of death
with the utmost infamy. We ought, then, in the first
place, to decree the greatest honours we are able to those
that have taken off the tyrant, especially to Chserea Cas¬
sius. For this one man, with the aid of the gods, has by
his counsel and actions been the procurer of our liberty,
nor ought we to be ungrateful to him, seeing that he under
a tyranny conspired and hazarded his life for our liberty,
but we ought to decree him honours, and exhibit this as
our first spontaneous act. And certainly it is a very excel¬
lent thing, and one well becoming freemen, to requite
benefactors, such as this man has been to us all, though
unlike Cassius and Brutus who slew Caius Julius [Caesar];
for they laid the foundations of sedition and civil war in
our city, but this man by his tyrannicide has set our city
free from all the mischiefs that came therefrom.”

§ 3. This was the gist of Sentius’ oration, which was
received with pleasure by the senators, and by as many of
the equestrian order as were present. And now one Tre-
bellius Maximus rose up hastily, and took off Sentius’
finger a ring, which had a stone with the image of Caius
engraven upon it, and which, in his zeal in speaking, and
earnestness in what he was about, he had forgotten (it was
supposed) to take off himself. The intaglio was broken
immediately. And, as it was now far in the night,
Chserea demanded of the consuls the word, and they gave
him Liberty. What had happened seemed wonderful to
them and almost incredible. For it was a hundred years
since the democracy had been set aside, when this giving
the word for the day returned to the consuls; for, before
the city was governed by tyrants, they were the commanders
of the soldiers. And when Chaerea had received the word,
he passed it on to those soldiers who were on the senate’s
side, which were four regiments, who esteemed government
without emperors to be preferable to tyranny. And these
went away with their tribunes. The people also now de¬
parted very joyful, full of hope and courage at having

CHAP. II. J ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 351

recovered their former power, and being no longer under
an emperor. And Chserea was everybody with them.

§ 4. And now Chserea was very uneasy that Caius’ wife
and daughter were still alive, and that "all his family had
not perished with him, since whoever was left of them
would be left for the ruin of the city and the laws. So,
being anxious to complete his work, and satisfy his hatred
of Caius, he sent Julius Lupus, one of the tribunes, to kill
Caius’ wife and daughter. They proposed this office to
Lupus, as a kinsman of Clemens, that he might be so far
a partaker in the tyrannicide, and might get credit for his
virtue among the citizens, and might seem to have been
one of the original conspirators. But it appeared to some
of the conspirators cruel to use such severity to a woman,
because Caius, in all that he did, indulged his own ill-
nature more than used her advice, and it was owing to
him (and not her) that the city was in such a desperate
condition of misery, and the flower of the citizens de¬
stroyed. But others accused her of giving her consent
to these things, nay, they ascribed all that Caius had done
to her as the cause of it, and said that she had given a
philtre to Caius, which had made him enslaved to her will,
and had tied him down to love her, so that she, having
made him mad, was herself the author of all the misfor¬
tunes that had befallen the Romans and the world that
was subject to them. So that at last it was determined
that she must die, for those of the contrary opinion could
not at all prevail to have her saved, and Lupus was sent
accordingly. Nor did he make any delay in executing his
errand, but he took the first opportunity to obey those that
sent him, being desirous to be no way blamable in what
was done for the advantage of the people. So he went to
the palace, and found Csesonia, Caius’ wife, lying by her
husband’s dead body, which also lay on the ground, and
was destitute of all such things as the law allows to the
dead, and herself besmeared all over with the blood of her
husband’s wounds, and in the greatest affliction, her
daughter lying by her side also: and nothing else was
heard from her in these circumstances but blaming Caius
for not having attended to what she had so often told
him beforehand; which words of hers were taken in two

352 THE WORKS OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XIX.

senses even at that time, and are now esteemed equally
ambiguous by those that hear them, and are still interpreted
according to the different inclinations of people. For some
said that the words denoted, that she had advised him to
leave off his mad behaviour and cruelty to the citizens, and
to govern the public with moderation and virtue, lest he
should perish by their using him as he had used them.
Others said, as certain words had passed concerning the
conspirators, that she desired Caius to make no delay, but
immediately to put them all to death, and that whether
they were guilty or not, and so he would be out of fear of
any danger; and that this was what she now blamed
him for, for being too tender in the matter when she had
advised him to slay them all. And this was what Caesonia
said, and what the opinions of men were about it. But
when she saw Lupus approach, she showed him Caius’
dead body, and begged him to come near with lamentation
and tears; and when she noticed that Lupus seemed un¬
settled in his purpose, and approached her as if to do some¬
thing disagreeable to himself, she was well aware for what
purpose he came, and bared her throat very readily, be¬
wailing her case like people who utterly despair of their
life, and bidding him not delay to end the tragedy they
had resolved upon relating to her. So she boldly received
her death at the hand of Lupus, as did her daughter after
her. Then Lupus made haste to inform Chserea of what
he had done.

§ 5. Such was the end of Caius, after he had reigned
four years all but four months. Even before he came to
be emperor he was ill-natured, and one that had arrived at
the utmost pitch of wickedness ; a slave to pleasure, and a
lover of calumny; greatly afraid of what was formidable,
and of a very murderous disposition, where he durst show
it. He enjoyed his power to this only purpose, to injure
those that least deserved it with unreasonable arrogance,
and he got his wealth by murder and injustice. He laboured
to appear above the gods and the laws, but was a slave to
the praises of the populace; and whatever the laws deter¬
mined to be shameful, and censured, that he esteemed
more honourable than virtue. He was unmindful of his
friends, however intimate, and though they were persons of

CHAP. II.]

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

353

the highest character ; and, if he was once angry at any
of them, he would inflict punishment upon them for the
most trifling matters, and esteemed every man that endea¬
voured to lead a virtuous life his enemy. And whatever
he commanded, he would admit of no contradiction to his
desires, so it was that he committed incest with his own
sister, 1 on which account chiefly it was that a bitter hatred
first sprang up against him among the citizens, that sort
of incest not having been known for a long time, and so it
provoked men to distrust and hate him that was guilty of
it. As for any great or royal work that he ever did, which
might be for the advantage of his contemporaries or
posterity, nobody could name any such, except the haven
that he made about Rhegium 2 and Sicily, for the ships that
brought com from Egypt; which was indeed indisputably
a very great work in itself, and of very great advantage for
navigation. Tet this work was not brought to perfection
by him, but was left only half finished because of his
want of application to it; the reason was that he dissipated
his energy on useless matters, and as he spent his money
upon pleasures such as tended to no one’s benefit but his
own, he could not be liberal in things that were undeniably
of greater consequence. In other respects he was an ex¬
cellent orator, and thoroughly acquainted with the Greek
tongue, as well as with his own mother-tongue, the Latin.
He was also able, off-hand and readily, to give answers to
compositions made by others of considerable length. He
was also more skilful in persuading others in important
cases than any one else in consequence of a natural facility,
which had been improved by much exercise and pains¬
taking. For as he was the grandson 3 of the brother of
Tiberius, whose successor he was, this was a strong com¬
pulsion to his prosecution of learning, because Tiberius

1 Spanbeim here notes from Suetonius, that the name of Cains’
sister, with whom he was guilty of incest, was Drnsilla; and that
Suetonius adds, he was guilty of the same crime with all his sisters also.
He notes further, that Suetonius omits the mention of the haven for
shins, which our author esteems the only great public work which Caius
left behind him, though in an imperfect condition.— W.

2 .Reggio , on the east side of the Straits of Messina.

3 This Caius was the son of that excellent person Germanicus ; who
was the son of Drusus, the brother of Tiberius the emperor.—W.

III. A A

354

THE WORKS OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XIX.

was eminent for his success in learning, and Caius aspired
after the like glory for eloquence, being induced thereto by
the letters of his kinsman and emperor. He was also fore¬
most of the citizens of his own age, but the advantages he
received from his learning did not counterbalance the mis¬
chief he brought upon himself by his license; so difficult
is it for those to get the virtue of self-control who have
irresponsible freedom of action. At first he got himself
such friends as were in all respects most worthy, and was
greatly beloved by them, in consequence of his learning
and emulating the glory of the best men; until from his
excessive injuries to them, they laid aside the kindness
they had for him, and began to hate him, from which hatred
came the plot which they raised against him, in which he
perished.

CHAP. III.

How Claudius was seized, and brought out of his House, and
taken to the Camp, and how the Senate sent an Embassage
to him.

§ 1 -

N OW Claudius, as I said before, had taken a different road
to Caius, and, as the royal family were greatly put out
by the sad murder of the emperor, he was in great anxiety
how to save himself, and was found to have hidden himself
in a certain narrow passage, though he had no reason for
suspicion of danger besides the dignity of his birth. For
he lived privately and behaved himself with moderation,
and was contented with his present fortune, applying
himself to learning, and especially to that of the Greeks,
and holding himself entirely aloof from every thing that
might bring trouble. But as at this time the multitude
were in consternation, and the whole palace was full of the
fury of the soldiers, and the emperor’s body-guards seemed
in the same panic and confusion as private persons, the
band called praetorian, which was the purest part of the
army, held a consultation as to what was to be done at this
juncture. How all those that were present at this consulta¬
tion, had little regard to the punishment Caius had suffered,

CHAP. III.]

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

355

because he justly deserved his fate, but rather considered
their own fortunes, how they might take the best care of
themselves, especially as the Germans were busy in punish¬
ing the murderers of Caius, rather to gratify their own
savage temper, than for the good of the public. All these
things troubled Claudius, who was afraid for his own
safety, especially when he saw the heads of Asprenas and
his fellow-conspirators carried about. He stood in a certain
place ascended by a few steps, where he had retired in the
dark. And when Gratus, who was one of the soldiers that
belonged to the palace, saw him, but could not well tell by
his countenance who he was, because it was dark, though
he could see that it was some one who was hiding, he
went nearer to him, and when Claudius desired that he
would retire, he discovered who he was, and said to his
followers, “ This is a Germanicus; 1 come, let us choose
him for our emperor.” And when Claudius saw that they
were preparing to take him away by force, and was afraid
they would kill him, as they had killed Caius, he besought
them to spare him, reminding them how quietly he had
demeaned himself, and that he was unacquainted with all
that had been done. Thereupon Gratus smiled upon him,
and took him by the right hand, and said, “ Leave off these
humble thoughts of saving yourself, while you ought to
have greater thoughts, even of obtaining the empire, which
the gods, in their concern for the world, have committed
to your virtue by taking Caius out of the way. Go, there¬
fore, and take the throne of your ancestors.” So he lifted
him up and carried him, because he was unable to walk,
such was his mingled dread and joy at what Gratus said to
him.

§ 2. Now there were already gathered round Gratus
a great number of the body-guards, and when they saw
Claudius carried off, they looked sad, supposing that
he was being dragged to execution for the mischief that
had been lately done, though he was a man who had never
meddled with public affairs all his life long, and had been

1 How Claudius, son of Drusus, and brother of Germanicus, could
be here himself called Germanicus, Suetonius informs us, when he
tells us that by a decree of the senate, the surname of Germanicus was
bestowed upon Drusus and his posterity also. Sueton. Claud, i.—W.

356 THE WORKS OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XIX.

in great danger during the reign of Caius; and some of
them thought it well that the consuls should take cogni¬
zance of the matter. And, as more and more of the sol¬
diers got together, the crowd gave way, and Claudius could
hardly go forward from weakness of body, and those who
carried his litter, when they heard of his being carried off,
ran away and saved themselves, despairing of their lord’s
safety. But when they were come into the large court of
the palace (which, as the report goes about it, was the first
part inhabited in the city of Rome), and had just got to
the public treasury, many more soldiers flocked to him,
being glad to see Claudius’ face, and thought it exceeding
right to make him emperor, on account of their kindness
for Germanicus, who was his brother, and had left behind
him a great reputation among all that were acquainted
with him. They reflected also on the covetousness of the
leading men of the senate, and what great errors they had
been guilty of formerly, when they were in power. They
also considered the difficulty of the situation, as also what
danger they would be in, if the government should devolve
upon any individual but Claudius, who would take it as
their grant and favour, and would be grateful for the
benefit they had done him, and make them a sufficient
recompense for the same.

§ 3. These were the discourses the soldiers had with
one another and by themselves, and they communicated
them to all such as came near them. And they, on hear¬
ing it, willingly embraced the proposal, and they carried
Claudius to the camp, crowding round him as his guard,
and bearing him aloft in a litter, that their impatience
might not be thwarted. As to the populace and senate
they differed in their opinions. The latter were very
desirous to recover their former dignity, and anxious to
get rid of the slavery that had been imposed on them by
the insolence of their tyrants, now that they had an op¬
portunity afforded them; but the people, who were envious
of them, and knew that the emperors were able to curb
their arrogance, and were a protection to themselves, were
very glad that Claudius had been carried off by the army,
and thought that if he were made emperor, he would pre¬
vent such a civil war as there was in the days of Pompey.

CHAP. III.]

ANTIQUITIES OP THE JEWS.

357

But when the senate knew that Claudius had been taken
to the camp by the soldiers, they sent to him those of their
body who had the best character for virtue, to recommend
him to do nothing to gain power by violence, but to submit
to the senate, as he was either already, or would hereafter
be, one of their body, which consisted of so many persons,
and to submit to the law in all that related to public order,
and to remember how greatly previous tyrants had afflicted
their state, and what dangers both he and they had run
under Caius, for they said he ought not to hate the heavy
burden of tyranny, when the injury was done by others,
and yet be himself willing to play havock with his country.
They added that if he would hearken to them, and show
that his determination was to live quietly and virtuously
as before, he would have the greatest honours decreed to
him that a free people could bestow, and by subjecting
himself in part to the law, would obtain this commendation,
that he acted like a man of virtue both as a ruler and
subject; but if he would act recklessly, and learn no wisdom
by Caius’ death, they would not permit it. For a great
section of the army (they added) sided with them, and they
had plenty of weapons, and a great number of slaves to
make use of: and hope played a great part in such cases,
and fortune and the gods never assisted any but those that
exerted themselves with virtue and goodness, who could only
be such as fought for the liberty of their country.

§ 4. Such was the speech that the envoys, Yeranius and
Brocchus, who were both tribunes of the people, made to
Claudius, and falling down upon their knees, begged of
him, that he would not bring the city into wars and mis¬
fortunes. But when they saw what a multitude of soldiers
surrounded and guarded Claudius, and that the consuls'
were totally inadequate to cope with them, they added
that, if he desired the empire, he should accept it as given
by the senate, for he would be happier in it and take it
under better auspices, if he did not seize it by violence,
but accepted it from the good-will of those who offered it
to him.

353

THE WORKS OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XIX.

CHAP. IV.

What King Agrippa did for Claudius, and how Claudius,
when he had become Emperor, commanded the Murderers
of Caius to be slain.

§ 1 -

OW Claudius, though he was not blind to the pre-

-L v sumption of this message from the senate, yet be¬
haved himself for the present with moderation, as they
advised. However, he recovered from his fright, being
encouraged partly by the boldness of the soldiers, and
partly by king Agrippa, who exhorted him not to let
such an empire slip out of his hands, when it came thus
spontaneously to him. King Agrippa acted also to Caius
as became one who had been so much honoured by him ;
for he embraced Caius’ body after he was dead, and laid it
upon a bed, and laid it out as well as he could, and went
to the body-guards, and told them that Caius was still
alive, but bade them fetch surgeons, for he was very ill of
his wounds. But when he learned that Claudius had been
carried off by the soldiers, he pushed through the crowd
to him, and when he found that he was in a condition of
terror, and ready to yield to the senate, he encouraged him,
and bade him stick to the empire. And when he had
said this to Claudius, he returned home, and, upon the
senate’s sending for him, he anointed his head -with oint¬
ment, as if he had just come from a festive party, and so
went to them, and also asked the senators what Claudius
had done. And when they told him the present state of
affairs, and further asked his opinion on the whole matter,
he at once told them that he was ready to lose his life for
the honour of the senate, but desired them to consider
what was for their advantage, without any regard to their
personal desires. Por those who grasped at government,
stood in need of weapons, and soldiers to guard them,
lest being unprepared they should fall into danger. And
when the senate replied, that they could bring weapons
and money in abundance, and that as to an army, part of it
was already mustered together, and they could raise a larger

CHAP. IV.]

ANTIQUITIES OP THE JEWS.

359

one by giving the slaves their liberty, Agrippa made the
following answer. “ O senators! may you be able to do
what you desire; but I will without any hesitation tell
you my thoughts, because they tend to your preservation.
Know, then, that the army which will fight on behalf of
Claudius has been long trained in war, while our army will
be no better than a mob and rabble, as it is composed of
such as have been unexpectedly freed from slavery, and are
without discipline; we shall therefore bring up against
those who are skilful in war men who know not so much
as how to draw their swords. My opinion therefore is,
that we should send some persons to Claudius, to urge
him to lay down the government, and I am ready to be
one of your ambassadors.”

§ 2. Upon this speech of Agrippa, the senate complied
with him, and he was sent with others, and privately in¬
formed Claudius of the alarm of the senate, and advised
him to answer them in a somewhat commanding strain,
and as one invested with dignity and authority, So Clau¬
dius replied that he did not wonder the senate did not wish
to have an emperor over them, because they had been
harassed by the savageness of those who had formerly been
at the head of affairs; but they should enjoy an equitable
government and good times under him, for he would only
be their ruler in name, but the authority should be com¬
mon to all. And since he had passed through many and
various scenes of life before their eyes, it would be well
for them not to distrust him. The ambassadors, upon
receiving this answer, were dismissed. And Claudius
harangued the army which was gathered together, and
made them swear that they would remain faithful to him,
and gave the body-guards five thousand drachmae apiece, 1
and a proportionable quantity to their captains, and pro¬
mised to give the same to the rest of the armies wherever
they were.

§ 3. And now the consuls convoked the senate to the
temple of Jupiter Stator, while it was still night. But

1 This number of drachm® to be distributed to each private soldier,
6,000 drachmae, equal to ‘20,000 sesterces, or £161 sterling, seems much
too large, and directly contradicts Suetonius, chap, x., who makes
them in all but fifteen sesterces, or 2s. id. —W.

360

THE WORKS OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XIX.

some of the senators concealed themselves in the city, being
uncertain what to do on the hearing of this summons, and
some of them retired to their estates in the country, fore¬
seeing the issue of public affairs, and despairing of liberty,
supposing it much better for them to be slaves without
danger to themselves, and to live a lazy and inactive life,
than, by trying to gain the glory of their forefathers, to
hazard their own safety. So a hundred and no more
met together, and as they were deliberating about the
present posture of affairs, a sudden clamour was raised
by the soldiers that were on their side, bidding the senate
to choose an emperor, and not to ruin the state by setting
up a multitude of rulers. Thus they fully declared them¬
selves to be for giving the government not to all, but to
one; but they gave the senate leave to look out for a per¬
son worthy to be set over them. And now the situation of
the senate was much worse than before ; because they had
not only failed in the recovery of their vaunted liberty, but
were afraid of Claudius also. Yet there were some of
them that hankered after the chief power, both on account
of the dignity of their families, and that accruing to them
by their marriages. For Marcus Minucianus was illus¬
trious, both from his own nobility, and from his having
married Julia, the sister of Caius, and accordingly was
very ready to claim the government, although the consuls
discouraged him on one pretext or another. And Minu¬
cianus, who was one of Caius’ murderers, restrained Vale¬
rius Asiaticus from thinking of such things. And indeed
there would have been a prodigious slaughter, if those men
who desired to be emperors had been permitted to set
up themselves in opposition to Claudius. There were also
a considerable number of gladiators, and of those soldiers
who kept watch by night in the city, and of rowers who
flocked to the camp; so that of those who claimed the
empire, some gave up their pretensions to spare the city,
and others from fear for their own safety.

§ 4. Now at first dawn of day Chserea, and those that
were associated with him, went to the senate, and at¬
tempted to make speeches to the soldiers. However, the
mass of the soldiers, when they saw that they were
making signals for silence with their hands, and were

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

361

CHAP. IV.]

going to begin to speak to them, grew tumultuous, and
would not let them speak at all, because they all desired
to be under the rule of one; and they demanded of the senate
an emperor, for they would endure no longer delays. But the
senate were in a fix about either their own governing, or
how they should be governed, for the soldiers would not
allow them to govern, and the murderers of Caius would
not permit the soldiers to dictate to them. As affairs were
in this posture, Chaerea was not able to contain his anger
at their demand for an emperor, and promised that he
would give them a leader, if any one would bring him the
word for the day from Eutychus. Now this Eutychus was
charioteer of the green faction in the Circus at Borne, 1 and
a great friend of Caius, who used to tire out the soldiers with
building stables for his horses, and put them to igno¬
minious labours. Chaerea reproached them with this, and
other similar things, and told them, he would bring them
the head of Claudius, for it was monstrous after a madman
to have a fool for emperor. But they were not moved with
his words, but drew their swords, and took up their stan¬
dards, and went to Claudius, to join in taking the oath of
fidelity to him. So the senate were left without anybody
to defend them, and the consuls had no more authority than
private persons: and there was great consternation and de¬
jection, men not knowing what would become of them, be¬
cause Claudius was irritated by them ; so they fell to re¬
proaching one another, and repented of what they had
done. At this juncture Sabinus, one of Caius’ murderers,
came forward and threatened to kill himself sooner than
consent to make Claudius emperor, and see slavery re¬
turning upon them; and also rebuked Cliserea for loving
life, since he, who was first in his contempt of Caius,
could think it good to live, now that (after all they had
done) they found it impossible to recover their liberty.
But Chserea said he had not changed his mind at all about
killing himself, but he would sound the intentions of
Claudius first.

§ 5. Such was the posture of affairs in the senate. But
in the camp every body was pushing their way from all

1 See Juvenal, xi. 196, Gibbon, ch. 40.

362 THE WORKS OP FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XIX.

sides to pay their court to Claudius, and one of the consuls,
Quintus Pomponius, was especially reproached by the sol¬
diers for having exhorted the senate to recover their
liberty, and they drew their swords, and rushed at him,
and would have murdered him, if Claudius had not
hindered them. For he snatched the consul out of the
danger he was in, and set him by his side ; but he did not
receive those of the senate who had sided with Quintus in
the like honourable manner ; for some of them received
blows, and were thrust away as they came to salute
Claudius, and Aponius went away wounded, and all were
in danger. Then king Agrippa went up to Claudius, and
desired he would treat the senators more gently; for if
any mischief should come to the senate, he would have no
others over whom to rule. And Claudius listened to him,
and called the senate together to the palace, and was
carried there himself in his litter through the city, the
soldiers escorting him not without injuring the multi¬
tude a good deal. And Chserea and Sabinus, two of
Caius’ murderers, went about openly, though Pollio, whom
Claudius had a little before made captain of his body¬
guards, had sent them a letter, forbidding them to appear
in public. So Claudius, upon his reaching the palace, got
his friends together, and desired their opinion as to
Chserea. They said that the deed done seemed a glorious
one, but they accused the doer of disloyalty, and thought
it just to inflict condign punishment upon him, to dis¬
countenance such actions for the time to come. So Chserea
was led out to execution, and Lupus and many other Romans
with him. And it is reported that Chserea bore his fate
nobly, as was evidenced not only by the firmness of his
own behaviour under it, but by his reproach to Lupus, who
fell into tears; for when Lupus had laid his garment
aside and complained of the cold, 1 Chserea said that cold
never hurt lupus [i.e. a wolf]. And as a great multitude
followed to see the sight, when Chserea came to the place
of execution, he asked the soldier who was to be their
executioner whether the office was one he was used to, or

1 This piercing cold here complained of by Lupus, agrees well to the
time of the year when Claudius began his reign : that being a few days
after January 24th, the day on which Caius was murdered.—W.

CHAP. V.]

ANTIQUITIES OP THE JEWS.

363

whether this was the first time of his using his sword in
that manner, and bade him fetch the very sword with
which he himself had slain Caius. And he was happily
killed at one stroke; but Lupus did not meet with such
good fortune in going out of the world, as he was timid,
and had many blows levelled at his neck, because he did
not stretch it out boldly.

§ 6. Now, a few days after this, as the festival called the
Parentalia 1 was just at hand, the Roman multitude made
their usual offerings to their dead relatives, and put por¬
tions into the fire in honour of Chserea, and besought him
to be propitious to them, and not angry with them for their
ingratitude. Such was the end of Chserea. As for Sabinus,
although Claudius not only set him at liberty, but gave him
leave to retain his former command in the army, he thought
it would be unjust in him to fail in good faith to his fellow-
conspirators, so he fell upon his sword and killed himself,
driving his sword up to the very hilt in the wound.

CHAP. Y.

How Claudius restored to Agrippa Ms Grandfather’s King¬
doms, and augmented his Dominions, and how he published
an Edict in behalf of the Jews.

§ 1 -

OW, when Claudius had speedily got rid of all the

■1 ’ soldiers whom he suspected, he published an edict,
wherein he confirmed to Agrippa the kingdom which Caius
had given him, and commended the king highly. He also
added to it all the territory over which his grandfather
Herod had reigned, that is, Judaea and Samaria: and this
he restored to him as due to his family. As for Abila, 2
that had belonged to Lysanias, and all the country near

1 A festival at Rome in honour of dead relatives. Our All Souls’
Day.

a The capital of the tetrarchy of Abilene (Luke iii. 1). The ruins
are near Nebi Habit, not far from the remarkable gorge called Suk
Wady Barada.

364 THE WORKS OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK SIX.

Mount Libanus, he bestowed them upon him, as out of his
own territory. He also made a league with Agrippa, con¬
firmed by oaths, in the middle of the forum, in the city of
Rome. He also took away from Antioehus the kingdom
which he had, but gave him a portion of Cilicia and Com-
magene. 1 He also set at liberty Alexander Lysimachus, the
Alabarch, who had been his old friend, and steward to his
mother Antonia, but-had been imprisoned by the anger of
Caius. Now Marcus, Alexander’s son, had married Bere¬
nice, the daughter of Agrippa; and when Marcus died,
who had married her when she was a virgin, Agrippa gave
her in marriage to his brother Herod, and begged of
Claudius the kingdom of Chalcis 2 for him.

§ 2. Now, about this time, there was strife between
the Jews and Greeks in the city of Alexandria. For
when Caius was dead the nation of the Jews, which had
been very much oppressed under his reign, and very badly
treated by the people of Alexandria, recovered courage and
immediately took up arms. And Claudius sent an order to
the governor of Egypt to quiet the tumult. He also sent
an edict, at the requests of king Agrippa and king Herod,
both to Alexandria and to Syria, whose contents were as
follows. “ Tiberius Claudius Caesar, Augustus, Germanicus,
Pontifex Maximus, and Tribune of the people, ordains as
follows. Since I have long known that the Jews of Alexan¬
dria, called Alexandrians, have been joint colonists from
the earliest times with the Alexandrians, and have obtained
from their kings equal privileges with them, as is evident
from the public records that are in their possession, and
the edicts, and since, after Alexandria was made part
of our empire by Augustus, their rights and privileges
have been preserved by those who have at divers times
been sent there as governors, and since no disputes were
raised about those rights and privileges, when Aquila was
governor of Alexandria, and since, when the Jewish ethnarch
was dead, Augustus did not prohibit making ethnarchs,
wishing that all nations subject to the Romans should
continue in the observance of their own customs, and

' The district of Antiochiane in Cappadocia, in which Derbe, Laranda,
Kybistra, &c., were situated.

1 Kinnisrin, in Northern Syria.

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

365

CHAP. V.]

not be forced to transgress their country’s religion; and
since, in the reign of Caius, the Alexandrians became
excited against the Jews that were among them, and
Caius, from his great madness and want of understand¬
ing, oppressed the nation of the Jews, because they
would not transgress their national worship, and call him
a god, I decree that the nation of the Jews be not deprived
of their rights and privileges on account of the madness of
Caius, but that those rights and privileges which they for¬
merly enjoyed, be preserved to them, and that they may
continue in their customs. And I charge both parties to
take very great care that no trouble arises after the pro¬
mulgation of this edict.”

§ 3. Such were the contents of the edict on behalf of the
Jews that was sent to Alexandria. But the edict that was
sent to the rest of the world was as follows. “ Tiberius
Claudius Csesar, Augustus, Germanicus, Pontifex Maximus,
Tribune of the people, chosen Consul the second time, or¬
dains as follows. Upon the petition of king Agrippa and king
Herod, who are persons very dear to me, that I would grant
the same rights and privileges to be preserved to the Jews
throughout all the Roman empire, as I have granted to the
Jews of Alexandria, I very willingly comply therewith, not
only to gratify my petitioners, but also judging those Jews
for whom I have been petitioned worthy of such a favour,
on account of their fidelity and friendship to the Romans.
I think it also very just that no Greek city should be de¬
prived of such rights and privileges, since they were pre¬
served to them under the great Augustus. It is there¬
fore right to permit the Jews throughout all our em¬
pire to keep their ancient customs without let or hin¬
drance. And I do charge them also to use this my
kindness to them with moderation, and not to show con¬
tempt at the superstitious observances of other nations, but
to observe their own laws only. And I will that the rulers
of cities and colonies and municipal towns, both within and
without Italy, and kings and governors by their ambas¬
sadors, post up this decree publicly for full thirty days, in
a place 1 where it may plainly be read from the ground.”

1 This form was so known and frequent among the Romans, as Dr.

366

THE WORKS OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XIX.

CHAP. VI.

What was done by Agrippa at Jerusalem, when he had re¬
turned to Judaea : and what Petronius wrote in behalf of
the Jews to the Inhabitants of Doris.

fl¬

ow Claudius Csesar showed by these decrees, which

IN were sent to Alexandria and to all the world, what
opinion he had of the Jews. And he soon sent Agrippa
away to administer his kingdom, advanced as he was to
more illustrious dignity than before, and sent letters to the
governors and procurators of the provinces to treat him with
attention. And he returned in haste, as it was likely he
would, now he returned in greater prosperity than before.
He also went to Jerusalem, and offered thank-offerings, and
omitted nothing that the law required. So he ordered
that many of the Nazarites should have their heads shorn,
and as for the golden chain which had been given him by
Caius, of the same weight as the iron chain wherewith his
royal hands had been bound, he hung it up within the
temple precincts above the treasury, as a memorial of his
sad fortune, and a testimony of his change for the better,
that it might be a proof how the greatest prosperity may
have a fall sometimes, and that God can raise up what is
fallen down. For this chain thus dedicated reminded all
men, that king Agrippa had once been bound with a chain
for a small matter, but had recovered his former rank again,
and soon afterwards had got out of his bonds, and was
advanced to be a more illustrious king than he was before.
Whence men may understand that all that partake of
human nature, however great, may fall; and that those
that fall may gain their former illustrious rank again.

§ 2. And when Agrippa had discharged all his religious
duties to God, he removed Theophilus, the son of Ananus,

Hudson here tells us, from the great Selden, that it used to be thus
represented at the bottom of their edicts by the initial letters only V. D.
P. R. L. P. Unde De Plano Recte Legi Possit. “ Where it may plainly
be read from the ground.”—W.

ANTIQUITIES OP THE JEWS.

367

CHAP. VI.]

from the high-priesthood, and bestowed his office on
Simon (the son of Boethus) also called Cantheras. This
Simon had two brothers, and a sister who married king
Herod, as I have related before. Simon, then, had the
high-priesthood with his brothers, and with his father, in
like manner as the three sons of Simon, the son of Onias,
had it formerly under the rule of the Macedonians, as I
have related in a former book.

§ 3. When the king had settled the high-priesthood in
this manner, he returned the kindness which the inhabitants
of Jerusalem had shown him; for he released them from
the tax upon every house, thinking it a good thing to
requite the affections of those that loved him. He also made
Silas, who had shared with him in many of his troubles,
the general of his forces. But very soon afterwards the
young men of Doris, 1 preferring audacity to piety, and being
naturally bold and insolent, carried a statue of the emperor
into a synagogue of the Jews, and erected it there. This
action of theirs greatly provoked Agrippa ; for it plainly
tended to the dissolution of the laws of his country. So
he went without delay to Publius Petronius, who was then
governor of Syria, and accused the people of Doris. Nor
did he less resent what was done than did Agrippa; for he
judged it a piece of impiety to transgress the laws. So he
wrote the following letter to the people of Doris, in angry
strain. “ Publius Petronius, the lieutenant of Tiberius
Claudius Caesar, Augustus, G-ermanicus, to the magistrates
of Doris, ordains as follows. Since some of you have had
the boldness, or madness rather (after the edict of Claudius
Caesar, Augustus, Germanicus, was published, permitting
the Jews to observe the laws of their country,) not to obey
the same, but have acted in entire opposition thereto, for¬
bidding the Jews to assemble together in the synagogue, and
setting up the emperor’s statue therein, and thereby have
offended not only the Jews, but also the emperor himself,
whose statue is more properly placed in his own temple
than in a foreign one, and that too in a place of assembling
together, seeing that it is but a part of natural justice, that
everyone should have power over the places belonging to

1 Dor, now Tanturah, on the sea coast north of Ca;sarea Palsestina,
Kaisariych.

368 THE WORKS OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XIX.

themselves, according to the decree of the emperor (to say
nothing of my own decree, which it would be ridiculous to
mention after the emperor’s edict, which gives the Jews leave
to mate use of their own customs, and also orders that they
are to enjoy the same rights of citizens as the G-reeks them¬
selves) ; I therefore order Proculus Vitellius, the centurion, to
bring those men before me, who, contrary to the emperor’s
edict, have been so insolent as to do this thing, (at which
the men, who appear to be of principal reputation among
them, are indignant also themselves, and allege that it
was not done with their consent, but by the violence
of the multitude,) to give account of what has been
done. I also advise the principal magistrates, unless they
wish to have this outrage supposed to have been done
with their consent, to point out to the centurion the
guilty persons, and to take care that no handle be thence
taken for raising a sedition or quarrel, which those who
encourage such doings seem to me to hunt after ; for both
I myself, and king Agrippa, whom I hold in the highest
honour, are more anxious about nothing than that the
nation of the Jews may have no opportunity given them of
gathering together and becoming tumultuous under the
pretext of defending themselves. And that what the em¬
peror has determined about the whole matter may be more
publicly known, I have subjoined the edicts which he has
lately caused to be published at Alexandria, and which,
although they may be well known to all, Agrippa, for
whom I have the highest esteem, read nevertheless at that
time before my tribunal, and pleaded that the Jews ought
not to be deprived of the benefits which the emperor had
granted them. I therefore charge you, that you do not,
for the time to come, seek for any occasion of sedition or
disturbance, but that everybody be allowed to follow their
own religious customs.”

§ 4. Thus did Petronius make provision that such law¬
lessness might be corrected, and that no such thing might
be attempted afterwards against the Jews. And now king
Agrippa took the high-priesthood away from Simon
Cantheras, and was for putting Jonathan, the son of
Ananus, back into it again, and owned that he was more
worthy of the dignity. But it did not seem to him de-

ANTIQUITIES OP THE JEWS.

369

CHAP. VII.]

sirable to resume so great a dignity. So he refused it, and
said, “ O king! I rejoice in the honour you show me, and
take it kindly that you are inclined to give me such a
dignity, though God has judged that I am not at all worthy
of the high-priesthood. I am satisfied with having once
put on the sacred garments; for I put them on then in
a more holy manner, than I should now resume them.
But if you desire that a person more worthy than myself
should have this honour, give me leave to name such a
one to you. I have a brother that is pure from all sin
against God, and of all offences against yourself; I recom¬
mend him to you, as one that is fit for this dignity.” An<J
the king was pleased with these words of his, and approved
of the advice of Jonathan, and bestowed the high-priest¬
hood upon his brother Matthias. And not long after
Marsus succeeded Petronius as governor of Syria.

CHAP. VII.

Concerning Silas, and why King Agrippa was angry with him.
How Agrippa began to surround Jerusalem with a wall;
and what Benefits he bestowed on the Inhabitants of
Berytus.

fl¬

ow Silas, the general of the king’s army, because he

i ' had been faithful to him in all his misfortunes, and
had never declined sharing with him in any of his dangers,
but had often undertaken the most perilous services for
him, was full of assurance, and thought he might expect a
sort of equality with the king, because of the constant friend¬
ship he had shown him. Accordingly he would not sit
lower than the king at table, and used similar freedom in
all his intercourse with him, and became troublesome to the
king, when they were merry together, by extolling himself
beyond measure, and by often reminding the king of the
misfortunes he had undergone, that he might bring up his
own faithfulness to him in those days; and he was con¬
tinually harping upon this string, what he had gone through
for him. The repetition of this so frequently seemed a

III. B B

370 THE WORKS OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK SIX.

reproach to the king, insomuch that he took this uncon¬
trolled liberty of speech very ill at his hands. For the
bringing up times when men have been under a cloud is by
no means agreeable to them; and he is a very silly man,
who is perpetually relating to a person the good services
he has done him. At last, therefore, Silas so thoroughly
provoked the king’s indignation, that he acted rather from
passion than reason, and not only turned Silas out of his
place as general of his army, but sent him in bonds into
his own country. But the edge of his anger wore off in
time, and made room for more just reasonings as to his
judgment about the man, and he considered how many
labours he had undergone for his sake. So when Agrippa
kept his birthday, and all his subjects partook of the
mirth, he sent for Silas straightway to be his guest. But
as he was a very frank man, he thought he had now a
very just handle given him for his anger, which he could
not conceal from those who came to fetch him, but said to
them, “ What honour is this the king invites me to, which
will soon be over ? for the king has not let me keep my
first rewards for the good-will I bore him, but has
plundered and ill-treated me. Does he think that I can
leave off that liberty of speech, which, upon the conscious¬
ness of my deserts, I shall use more loudly than before,
and shall relate how many dreadful things I have delivered
him from, how many labours I have undergone for him,
whereby I procured for him safety and honour, as a reward
for which I have borne the hardship of bonds and a dark
prison. I shall never forget these things; nay, perhaps my
very soul, when it is departed out of the body, will not for¬
get the glorious actions I did on his account.” This was
what he vociferated, and ordered the messengers to repeat
to the king. So he perceived that Silas was incurable in
his folly, and suffered him to continue in prison.

§ 2. As for the walls of Jerusalem, that looked to
the new city, he repaired them at the public expense,
and made them wider in breadth, and higher in altitude,
and would have made them too strong for all human
power to demolish, had not Marsus, the governor of Syria,
informed Claudius Caesar by letter of what he was doing.
And as Claudius had some suspicion he meant innovation,

CHAP. VII.] ANTIQUITIES OP THE JEWS. 371

lie ordered Agrippa to leave off the building of those walls
at once; and he thought it inexpedient to disobey.

§ 3. Now king Agrippa was by nature very liberal
in his gifts, and very ambitious to oblige people with
large donations, and to get celebrity by his great expen¬
diture, as he took delight in giving, and rejoiced in
living with a good reputation, being very unlike the Herod
who reigned before him. For that Herod was ill-natured,
and severe in his punishments, and had no mercy on those
that he hated, and it is admitted that he was more friendly
to the Greeks than to the Jews ; for he adorned foreign
cities with large grants of money, and baths, and theatres ;
nay, in some of those places he erected temples, and in
others porticoes, but he did not vouchsafe to raise one of
the least edifices in any Jewish city, or make them any
donation that was worth mentioning. But Agrippa’s temper
was mild, and he was equally liberal to all men. He was
humane to foreigners, and. displayed to them his munificence,
while to his own countrymen he was equally kind, but more
sympathetic. Accordingly, he loved to live continually at
Jerusalem, and was strict in the observance of the laws of his
country. He therefore kept himself entirely pure, nor did
any day pass over his head without its appointed sacrifice.

§ 4. Notwithstanding, a certain man of the Jewish nation
at Jerusalem, called Simon, who was thought to be skilled
in the knowledge of the law, called the multitude together
in assembly, while the king was absent at Caesarea, and had
the insolence to accuse him of not living holily, and said he
might justly be excluded from entrance into the temple,
since it belonged only to native Jews. And the captain of
the city informed Agrippa by letter that Simon had said
this to the people. So the king sent for him, and,
as he was sitting in the theatre at the time, he bade him
sit down by him, and said to him in a low and gentle voice,
“ What is there done here that is contrary to the law ? ”
But he had nothing to say for himself, and begged for par¬
don. And the king was more easily reconciled to him than
one would have imagined, as he esteemed mildness a better
quality in a king than anger, and knew that moderation
is more becoming in great men than passion. So he gave
Simon a present, and dismissed him.

372

THE WORKS OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XIX.

'§ 5. Now, Agrippa was a great builder in many places,
but paid peculiar regard to the people of Berytus. 1 For he
erected a theatre for them, superior to many both in sump¬
tuousness and elegance, as also an amphitheatre built at
great expense, and besides these he built them baths and
porticoes, and spared no cost in any of his edifices to render
them both handsome and large. He also spent a great deal
upon their dedication, and exhibited shows in the theatre,
and brought there musicians of all sorts, and such as made
delightful music in great variety. He also showed his
magnificence in the amphitheatre by a great number of
gladiators, and there too he exhibited fighting on a large
scale to please the spectators, indeed he sent no fewer than
seven hundred men to fight with seven hundred other men,
using all the malefactors he had for this purpose, that both
they might receive punishment, and that this operation of
war might give delight in peace. Thus he destroyed all
these criminals at once.

CHAP. VIII.

What other Acts were done by Agrippa until his Death ; and
how he died.

§ L

W HEN Agrippa had completed what I have just stated
at Berytus, he removed to Tiberias, 2 a city in Galilee.
Now he was held in great esteem by other kings. Accord-
ingly, there came to him Antiochus, king of Commagene, 3
and Sampsigeramus, king of Emesa, 4 and Cotys, who was
king of Lesser Armenia, and Polemo, who was king of
Pontus, 5 as also Herod his brother, who was king of Chalcis. 8
All these he treated with agreeable entertainments and in an
obliging manner, and so as to exhibit the greatness of his

1 Beirut.

2 Tuhariya, on the western shore of the Sea of Galilee.

3 Between Cilicia and the Euphrates. See Antiq. xviii. 2, § 5.

4 Homs.

5 On the north coast of Asia Minor. * Kinnisrin.

CHAP. VIII.] ANTIQUITIES OP THE JEWS.

373

mind, and to appear worthy of the respect which these kings
paid to him, by thus coming to see him. However, while
these kings stayed with him, Marsus the governor of Syria
came to visit him. And Agrippa, to show the respect that
was due to the Romans, went out of the city as far as seven
furlongs to meet him. But this proved to be the beginning
of a difference between him and Marsus; for Agrippa took
with him in his chariot those other kings seated with him.
And Marsus was suspicious what the meaning could be of
so great a friendship of these kings with one another, and
did not think so close an agreement of so many kings for
the benefit of the Romans. He therefore sent some of his
friends to each of them, and enjoined them to go to their
own countries without delay. This was very ill taken by
Agrippa, who after that became Marsus’ enemy. And
he took the high-priesthood away from Matthias, and
made Elionaeus, the son of Cantheras, high priest in his
stead.

§ 2. Now, when Agrippa had reigned three years over all
Judaea, he went to the city of Caesarea, 1 which was formerly
called Strato’s Tower; and there he exhibited shows in
honour of Claudius Caesar, upon his being informed that this
festival was one instituted for his safety. At this festival a
great multitude assembled together of the principal persons,
and such as were of dignity throughout the province. On the
second day of the shows Agrippa put on a garment made
wholly of silver, and of a contexture truly wonderful, and
came into the theatre at daybreak ; at which time the silver
of his garment being illumined by the early rays of the sun’s
beams upon it, glittered in a surprising manner, and was so
resplendent as to inspire fear and trembling in those that
looked intently upon him. And straightway his flatterers
cried out, one from one place, and another from another,
(though not really for his good,) that “ he was a god;” and
they added, “ Be thou merciful to us; for although we have
hitherto reverenced thee only as a man, yet do we hence¬
forth own thee as superior to mortal nature.” Upon this
the king did neither rebuke them, nor reject their impious
flattery. But soon afterwards he looked up, and saw an

1 Caesarea Palaestina, Kaitarlyeh.

374 THE WOEKS OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XIX.

owl sitting on a certain rope over his head, and immediately
understood that this bird was the messenger of ill tidings,
as it had once been the messenger of good tidings, and felt
heart-piercing grief. A severe pain also seized his belly,
and began in a most violent manner. He therefore jumped
up from his seat and said to his friends, “ I whom ye call a
god, am now commanded to depart this life ; fate thus
reproving the lying words you just now said to me ; and I,
who was by you called immortal, am now hurried off to
death. But I am bound to accept my destiny, as it pleases
G-od ; for I have lived no paltry life, but in a splendid and
happy manner.” When he had said this, his pain became
intense. So he was carried quickly into the palace, and the
rumour went abroad every where, that he would certainly
die soon. And the multitude at once sat in sackcloth, with
their wives and ohildren, according to the law of their
country, and besought G-od for the king’s recovery ; and all
places were full of mourning and lamentation. Now the
king rested in a high chamber, and as he saw them below
lying prostrate on the ground, he could not himself forbear
weeping. And when he had been quite worn out by the
pain in his belly for five days, he departed this life, being
in the fifty-fourth year of his age, and in the seventh year
of his reign; for he reigned four years under Caius Caesar;
three of them over Philip’s tetrarchy only, but in the fourth
he had that of Herod added to it; and he reigned also
three years under the reign of Claudius Caesar, during
which time he reigned over the forementioned countries,
and also had Judaea and Samaria and Caesarea added to
them. The revenues that he received out of them were
very great, being no less than twelve millions of drachmae. 1
However, he borrowed great sums from others ; for he was
so very liberal that his expenses exceeded his income, and
his generosity was boundless.

§ 3. But before the multitude knew of Agrippa’s having
expired, Herod the king of Chalcis, and Helcias the com¬
mander and friend of the king, sent Aristo, one of the king’s

1 This sum, which is equal to £425,000 sterling, was Agrippa the
Great’s yearly income, or about three quarters of his grandfather Herod’s
income; he having abated the tax upon houses at Jerusalem, and not
being so tyrannical as Herod had been to the Jews.—W.

CHAP. IX.]

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

375

most faithful servants, and slew Silas (who was their
enemy), as if it had been done by the king’s own com¬
mand.

CHAP. IX.

What happened after the Death of Agrippa; and how
Claudius, on account of the Youth and Unskilfulness of
Agrippa Junior, sent Cuspius Fadus to be Governor of
Judaea, and of the entire Kingdom of Agrippa.

§ I-

T HUS did king Agrippa depart this life. But he left
behind him a son Agrippa, a youth in the seven¬
teenth year of his age, and three daughters ; one of whom,
Berenice, was married to Herod her father’s brother,
and was sixteen years old ; the other two, Mariamne and
Drusilla, were still virgins, Mariamne was ten years old,
and Drusilla six. Now these daughters had been betrothed
by their father, Mariamne to Julius Archelaus, the son of
Chelcias, and Drusilla to Epiphanes, the son of Antiochus
the king of Commagene. Now when it was known that
Agrippa had departed this life, the inhabitants of Caesarea
and of Sebaste 1 forgot the kindnesses he had bestowed on
them, and acted the part of the bitterest enemies. For
they cast such reproaches upon the deceased as were not fit
to be spoken, and as many of them as were then soldiers
(who were a great number), went to his house, and carried
off the statues a of the king’s daughters, and with one accord
carried them into the brothels, and, when they had set them
on the roofs of those houses, abused them to the utmost of
their power, and did such things to them as are too indecent
to be related. They also reclined in public places and
celebrated general feastings, with garlands on their heads,
and anointed themselves, pouring out libations to Charon,
and drinking to one another for joy that the king had ex¬
pired. And they were not only unmindful of Agrippa, who

1 Sebusiieh.

3 Photius says, they were not the statues or images, but the ladies
themselves, who were thus basely abused by the soldiers.—W.

376 THE WORKS OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XX.

had lavishly extended his liberality to them, but of his grand¬
father Herod also, who had himself rebuilt their cities, and
had raised them havens and temples at vast expense.

§ 2. Now Agrippa, the son of the deceased, was at Rome
at this time, being brought up with Claudius Caesar. And
when the emperor heard that Agrippa was dead, and that
the inhabitants of Sebaste and Caesarea had acted so
insolently to his memory, he was sorry for the death of
Agrippa, and was displeased with the ingratitude of those
cities. He was therefore disposed to send Agrippa Junior
away at once to succeed his father in the kingdom, and
wished to make good his oaths. But those freedmen
and friends of his, who had the greatest influence with him,
tried to dissuade him from it, and said that it was a dan¬
gerous experiment to permit so large a kingdom to come
into the hands of so very young a man, and one hardly yet
arrived at years of discretion, who would not be able to
take sufficient care of its administration, for the weight of
a kingdom was heavy enough to a grown man. And
the emperor thought what they said reasonable. So he
sent out Cuspius Fadus to be governor of Judaea, and
of the entire kingdom of Agrippa, and paid that respect
to the deceased, not to introduce Marsus, who had been
at variance with him, into his kingdom. But he deter¬
mined before everything to give injunctions to Fadus
to chastise the inhabitants of Caesarea and Sebaste for
the insults they had offered to the memory of him
that was deceased, and their licentious conduct to his
daughters that were still alive ; and to remove the body of
soldiers that were at Caesarea and Sebaste, and the five
cohorts, to Pontus, that they might do military duty there,
and to choose an equal number of soldiers out of the Roman
legions that were in Syria, to supply their place. However
those that had such orders were not actually removed ; for
by sending messengers to Claudius, they mollified him,
and got leave to stay in Judaea still; and these were the
very men that became the source of very great calamities
to the Jews in after times, and sowed the seeds of the war
which began under Floras. And so, when Vespasian had
subdued the country, he removed them out of the province,
as I shall relate hereafter.

CHAP. I.]

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

377

BOOK XX.

CONTAINING THE INTERVAL OF TWENTY-TWO YEARS.-

FROM FADUS TO FLORUS.

CHAP. I.

A Quarrel between the Philadelphians and the Jews ; also
concerning the Vestments of the High Priest.

§ I-

U PON the death of king Agrippa, which I related in the
previous book, Claudius Caesar sent Cassius Longinus as
successor to Marsus, out of regard to the memory of king
Agrippa, who had often desired of him by letters, while he was
alive, that he would not suffer Marsus to be any longer gover¬
nor of Syria. But Fadus, as soon as he was come into Judaea
to administer affairs, found a quarrel going on between the
Jews that dwelt in Peraea 1 and the people of Philadelphia, 2
about their borders, at a village called Mia, 3 that was filled
with men of war; for the Jews of Peraea had taken up
arms without the consent of their principal men, and had
slain many of the Philadelphians. When Fadus was in¬
formed of this, it provoked him very much that they had
not left the decision of the matter to him, if they
thought the Philadelphians had done them any wrong, but
had rashly taken up arms against them. So he seized upon
three of their principal men, who were also the causes of
this strife, and ordered them to be bound, and afterwards
had one of them slain, whose name was Annibas, and
banished the other two, Amaramus and Eleazar. Tholomseus
also, the arch robber, was, in a little time, brought to him
bound, and slain, but not till he had done a great deal of
mischief to Idumaea and the Arabians. And indeed all
Judaea was cleared of robberies from that time by the care
aud forethought of Fadus. He also at this time sent for

■ 1 See Antiq., xvii. 8, § 1.

2 Rabboth Ammon, ’Amman. 3 Unknown.

378 THE WORKS OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XX.

the high priests and principal persons in Jerusalem by
command of the emperor, and bade them place the long
garment, and the sacred vestment, which it was custo¬
mary for only the high priest to wear, in the fortress of
Antonia, 1 that it might be under the power of the Romans,
as it had been formerly. Now the Jews durst not contra¬
dict what he said, but nevertheless begged Fadus and Lon¬
ginus (which last had come to Jerusalem with a great army,
from fear that the injunctions of Fadus would force the
Jews to rebel,) first to give them leave to send ambassa¬
dors to the emperor, to petition him that they might have
the holy vestments in their own power, and next to wait
till they knew what answer Claudius would give to their
request. And they replied that they would give them leave
to send their ambassadors, provided they would give them
their sons as hostages. And when they had agreed to do so
and had given them the hostages they desired, the ambas¬
sadors were sent accordingly. And when, upon their
coming to Rome, Agrippa Junior, the son of the deceased,
knew of the reason why they came (for he dwelt with
Claudius Caesar, as I said before,) he besought the em¬
peror to grant the Jews their request about the holy vest¬
ment, and to send a message to Padus accordingly.

§ 2. Thereupon Claudius summoned the ambassadors,
and told them he granted their request, and bade them
return their thanks to Agrippa for this favour which
had been bestowed on them upon his entreaty. And, be¬
sides these answers of his, he sent the following letter.
“ Claudius Caesar, Germanicus, tribune of the people the
fifth time, and consul designate the fourth time, and impe-
rator the tenth time, the father of his country, to the
magistrates, senate, and people, and whole nation of the
Jews, greeting. Upon the presentation of your ambas¬
sadors to me by my friend Agrippa (whom I have brought
up, and have now with me, and who is a person of very
great piety), who are come to give me thanks for the care
I have taken of your nation, and have entreated me in an
earnest and solemn manner, that they may have the holy
vestment and the crown in their own power, I grant their

1 On the north side of the Temple.

CHAP. II.] ANTIQUITIES OP THE JEWS. 379

request, as that excellent person Vitellius, who is very dear
to me, did before me. And I have complied with your desire,
first in regard to my own piety and because I would have
every one worship Q-od according to the laws of their own
country; and next because I know I shall hereby gratify
king Herod and Aristobulus Junior, whose piety to me
and good-will to you I am well acquainted with, and for
whom I have the greatest friendship, as I highly esteem
them and value them. I have also written about these
affairs to Cuspius Fadus my procurator. The carriers of the
letter are Cornelius the son of Cero, Trypho the son of
Theudio, Dorotheus the son of Nathanael, and John the son
of John. Dated the fourth day before the Calends of July,
Rufus and Pompeius Silvanus being consuls.”

§ 3. Herod also, the brother of the deceased Agrippa,
who was at this time possessed of the royal authority over
Chalcis, petitioned Claudius Caesar for authority over the
temple, and the sacred money, and the choice of the high
priests, and obtained all that he petitioned for; so that
after this time that authority continued 1 with all his de¬
scendants till the end of the war. Accordingly, Herod re¬
moved the high priest called Cantheras, and bestowed that
dignity on his successor Joseph, the son of Camei.

CHAP. II.

How Helena, Queen of Adiabene, and her son Izates, em¬
braced the Jewish Religion ; and how Helena supplied
the Poor with Corn when there was a great Famine at
Jerusalem.

§!•

A BOUT this time Helena, queen of Adiabene/ and her
son Izates, changed their course of life, and embraced
the Jewish customs, for the following reason. Monobazus,

1 Here is some error in the copies, or mistake in Josephus; for the
power of appointing high priests, after Herod king of Chalcis was dead,
and Agrippa Junior was made king of Chalcis in his room, belonged to
him, and he exercised the same all along till Jerusalem was destroyed.
—W.

3 A district on the greater Zab, which formed a vassal state respec-

380 THE WORKS OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XX.

the king of Adiabene, who had also the name of Bazseus,
fell in love with his sister Helena, and took her to be his
wife, and got her with child. And as he was in bed with
her one night, having laid his hand upon his wife’s belly, he
fell asleep, and seemed to hear a voice bidding him take his
hand off his wife’s belly, and not hurt the infant that was
therein, which, by God’s providence, would be safely born,
and have a happy end. This voice troubled him, and he
woke immediately, and told the matter to his wife, and
when his son was born, he called him Izates. He had
also had Monobazus, an elder son, by Helena, and other
sons by other wives. But he openly placed all his affections
on this his only begotten 1 son Izates, which was the origin
of the envy of his brothers, who on this account hated him
more and more, and all grieved that their father should
prefer Izates to them. Now although their father was
well aware of this, yet did he forgive them, as not feeling
envy from an evil disposition, but from the desire each of
them had to be beloved by their father. However, he sent
Izates with many presents to Abennerigus, the king of
Charax-Spasini, 2 because of the great dread he was in for
him, lest he should come to some misfortune from the
hatred of his brothers, and he committed his son’s safety
to him. And Abennerigus gladly received the young man,
and had a great affection for him, and married him to his
own daughter, whose name was Symacho : he also bestowed
a province upon him, from which he might receive large
revenues.

§ 2. But when Monobazus was grown old, and saw that
he had but a little time to live, he wished to see his son
before he died. So he sent for him, and embraced him in
the most affectionate manner, and bestowed on him the region
called Carr®; 3 it was a soil that bore amomum in great
plenty: there are also in it the remains of the ark, wherein

tively of Armenia, Parthia, and Rome. At one period it extended west
of the Tigris to Nisibis, Nisibin. See xx. 3, § 3.

1 Josephus here uses the word fiovoyi rij, only begotten son, for beat
beloved, as do both the Old and New Testament : 1 mean where there
were one or more sons besides (Gen. xxii. 2, Heb. xi. 17).—W.

2 Between the mouths of the Euphrates and Tigris. Sec Antiq., i. 6,
§ i -

J Now Harran. See Antiq., i. 16, § 1; i. 19, § 4.

CHAP. II.]

ANTIQUITIES OP THE JEWS.

381

it is related that Noah escaped the deluge, which are
still shown to such as desire to see them.' And Izates
abode in that region until his father’s death. And the
very day that Monobazus died, queen Helena sent for all
the grandees and satraps of the kingdom, and for those in
command of the forces ; and when they were come, she
made the following speech to them. “ I believe you are
not ignorant that my husband desired Izates to succeed
him in the kingdom, and thought him worthy to do so.
However, I wait your determination; for happy is he
who receives a kingdom not from a single person only, but
from the willingness of many.” She said this in order to
try to discover the sentiments of those whom she had sum¬
moned together. Upon the hearing of this, they first of all
paid their homage to the queen, as their custom was, and
then they said that they confirmed the king’s determination,
and would submit to it, and rejoiced that Izates’ father had
preferred him before the rest of his brothers, as it was
agreeable to all their wishes. But they said they were de¬
sirous first of all to slay his brothers and kinsmen, that so
the kingdom might come securely to Izates; for if they
were once destroyed, all the fear would be over which
might arise from their hatred and envy to him. Helena
replied to this, that she returned them her thanks for their
good-will to herself and to Izates; but desired that they
would defer the execution of this proposed slaughter
of Izates’ brothers till he should be there himself, and
give his approbation to it. But as these men prevailed not
with her to slay them, as they had advised, they exhorted
her at least to keep them in bonds till Izates should come
for their own security; they also counselled her to appoint
some one whom she put the greatest trust in, as regent of
the kingdom in the mean time. Helena complied with this
counsel of theirs, and appointed Monobazus, the eldest
son, to be king, and put the diadem upon his head, and
gave him his father’s signet ring, as also the sword of state
which they call Sampsera, and exhorted him to administer
the affairs of the kingdom till his brother should come.
But Izates returned quickly, on hearing that his father was

1 It is here very remarkable, that the remains of Noah’s ark were
believed to be still inexistence in the days of Josephus. Seei. 3, §5.— W.

382 THE WORKS OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XX.

dead, and succeeded his brother Monobazus, who resigned
up the kingdom to him.

§ 3. Now, during the time that Izates abode at Charax-
Spasini, a certain Jewish merchant, whose name was Ananias,
got among the king’s women, and taught them to worship
God according to the Jewish religion. Moreover through
them he became known to Izates, and persuaded him in like
manner to embrace the Jewish religion, and also, at his
earnest entreaty, accompanied Izates when he was sent for
by his father to Adiabene. It also happened that Helena
was instructed similarly by another Jew, and went over also
to the Jewish religion. Now when Izates had taken over the
kingdom, and had come to Adiabene, and there saw his
brothers and other kinsmen in bonds, he was displeased at
what had been done ; and as he thought it impious either
to slay or imprison them, but still thought it hazardous to
let them have their liberty at his court, as they would
remember the injury that had been done them, he sent
some of them with their children as hostages to Rome to
Claudius Caesar, and sent the others to Artabanus, the
king of Parthia, on the like pretext.

§ 4. And when he found that his mother was highly
pleased with the Jewish customs, he was fain to embrace
them entirely; and, as he supposed that he could not be
thoroughly a Jew unless he were circumcised, he was ready
to undergo that operation. But when his mother heard of
his intention, she endeavoured to hinder him from it, and
told him that it would bring him into danger; for as
he was king, he would get himself into great odium
among his subjects, when they should learn that he was so
fond of rites to them strange and foreign, and they would
never submit to be ruled over by a Jew. She said this to
him, and tried every way to dissuade him from his purpose.
And when he had repeated what she had said to Ananias,
he confirmed what his mother had said, and also threatened
to leave the king, unless he complied with him, and
actually departed. For he said he was afraid lest, if such
an action were once made public to all, he should him¬
self be in danger of punishment, as having been the cause
of it, and having been the king’s instructor in actions that
were ill thought of. He also said that the king might wor-

CHAP. II.J

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

383

ship God without being circumcised, even though he did
resolve to follow the Jewish law entirely, for the worship of
God was of more importance than circumcision. He added
that God would forgive him, though he did not perform the
operation, as it was omitted out of necessity, and from fear of
his subjects. And the king for the time listened to these
arguments, but afterwards (for he had not quite left off his
desire of doing this thing) another Jew that came out of
Galilee, whose name was Eleazar, and who was esteemed
very skilful in the knowledge of his country’s laws, urged
him to do it. For as he entered his palace to salute him,
and found him reading the law of Moses, he said to him,
“ You are ignorant, O king, of the immense injury you are
doing to the laws, and through them to God himself, for it
is necessary not only to read them, but also still more to prac¬
tise what they enjoin. How long will you continue uncir¬
cumcised P But, if you have not yet read the law on the
matter, that you may know what great impiety you are
guilty of in neglecting it, read it now.” When the king
heard these words, he delayed the thing no longer, but re¬
tired to another room, and sent for a surgeon, and did what
he was commanded to do. He then sent for his mother,
and Ananias his original instructor in Jewish principles,
and informed them that he had done the thing, upon
which they were at once seized with astonishment and
fear, and that to a great degree, lest the matter should
be openly discovered and censured, and the king should
hazard the loss of his kingdom, as his subjects might not
submit to be governed by a man who was so zealous for
a strange religion; and lest they should themselves run
some hazard, because they would be supposed the cause
of his having so done. But God himself hindered what
they feared from happening: for he preserved both Izates
himself, and his sons, when they fell into many dangers,
and procured their deliverance when it seemed to be
impossible, and showed thereby, that the fruit of piety
does not perish for those that look to him, and fix their
faith upon him only. But I. shall relate these events here¬
after.

§ 5. Now Helena, the king’s mother, when she saw that
the affairs of the kingdom were in peace, and that her son

384

THE WORKS OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XX.

was a happy man, and an object of envy to all men, even to
foreigners, owing to God’s providence over him, desired to
go to the city of Jerusalem, to worship at that temple
of God which was so very famous among all men, and
to offer her thank-offerings there. So she asked her son
to give her leave to go there, upon which he gave his
very willing consent to what she asked, and made great
preparations for her departure, and gave her a great deal of
money, and she went down to the city of Jerusalem, her son
conducting her a great way on her journey. Now her
visit was of very great advantage to the people of Jerusalem,
for as a famine oppressed their city at that time, and many
people died for want of money to procure necessaries with,
queen Helena sent some of her servants to Alexandria with
a great quantity of money to buy com, and others of them
to Cyprus to bring a cargo of dried figs. And as soon
as they had come back with those provisions very quickly,
she distributed food to those that were in want of it, and
left an excellent memorial behind her of this benefi¬
cence to our whole nation. And when her son Izates was
informed of this famine, he sent great sums of money
to the principal men in Jerusalem, which being distributed
amongst those that were in want relieved many from
the griping pangs of hunger. However, what favours this
king and queen conferred upon our city of Jerusalem, and
what resources came from her to our citizens, shall be fur¬
ther related hereafter.

CHAP. III.

How Artabanus, King of Parthia, afraid of the Plots of his
Subjects against him, went to Izates, and was by him rein¬
stated in his Kingdom; as also how Vardanes, his son,
denounced War against Izates.

§ 1 -

OW Artabanus, king of the Parthians, on learning that

4 ’ his satraps, had formed a plot against him, did not
think it safe to remain among them, but resolved to go

CHAP. III.]

AHTIQUITIES OP THE JEWS.

385

to Izates, wishing to find some way of preservation through
him, and, if possible, to get his return to his own dominions.
So he went to Izates, and took a thousand of his kindred
and servants with him, and met him upon the road, and he
well knew Izates, but Izates did not know him. When
Artabanus stood near him, and had first prostrated himself
before him, according to the custom of his country, he then
said to him, “ O, king, do not overlook me thy servant, nor
proudly reject the suit I make thee: for as I am reduced
to a low estate by reverse of fortune, and from a king am
become a private man, I stand in need of thy assistance.
Look then at the uncertainty of fortune, and consider the
case as one that might be thine, and esteem the care thou
shalt take of me to be taken of thyself also ; for if I
be neglected, and my subjects go unpunished, many sub¬
jects will become more insolent towards other kings also.”
Now Artabanus made this speech with tears in his eyes, and
with a dejected countenance. And as soon as Izates heard
Artabanus’ name, and saw him stand as a suppliant before
him, he leapt down from his horse quickly, and said to him,
“ Take courage, 0 king, and be not disturbed at thy present
calamity, as if it were incurable; for a change from thy
sad condition shall be speedy, for thou shalt find me to be
more thy friend and assistant than thou hopest; for I will
either reinstate thee in the kingdom of Parthia, or lose my
own kingdom.”

§ 2. When he had said this, he set Artabanus upon his
horse, and himself accompanied him on foot, honouring him
as a greater king than himself. But when Artabanus saw
this, he was very uneasy at it, and swore by his present for¬
tune and honour that he would dismount, unless Izates
would get upon his horse again, and go before him. So he
complied with his desire, and leaped upon his horse; and
when he had brought him to his royal palace, he showed
him every honour when they sat together, and gave him
the chief place at festivals, regarding not his present for¬
tune, but his former dignity, and considering also that
changes in fortune are common to all men. He also wrote
to the Parthians, urging them to receive Artabanus again,
and gave them his right hand and faith, that Artabanus
would forget what was past and done, and offered himself

hi. c c

386 THE WORKS OK FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XX.

as mediator between them. Now the Parthians did not them¬
selves refuse to receive him again, but pleaded that it was
now out of their power to do so, because they had given the
kingdom to another person, who had accepted it, whose
name was Cinnamus, and that they were afraid lest a civil
war should arise on this account. When Cinnamus heard
of their views, he wrote to Artabanus himself, for he had
been brought up by him, and was bv nature good and
gentle, and besought him to put confidence in him, and
come and take his own dominions again. Accordingly,
Artabanus trusted him, and returned home, and Cinnamus
met him, and prostrated himself before him, and saluted
him as king, and took the diadem off his own head, and put
it on the head of Artabanus.

§ 3. Thus was Artabanus restored to his kingdom again
through Izates, after he had previously lost it owing to his
grandees. Nor was he unmindful of the benefits Izates had
conferred upon him, but rewarded him with the greatest
honours among them; for he allowed him to wear his
tiara upright, 1 and to sleep upon a golden bed, which are
privileges and marks of honour allowed only to the kings
of Parthia. He also cut off a large and fruitful country
from the king of Armenia, and bestowed it upon him.
The name of the country is Nisibis, 2 and the Macedonians
had formerly built there the city of Antioch, which they
called in Mygdonia. These were the honours that were paid
Izates by the king of the Parthians.

§ 4. But no long time after Artabanus died, and left
the kingdom to his son Vardanes. Now this Yardanes
came to Izates, and urged him to join him with his army,
and to assist him in the war he was preparing to make against
the Romans, but he could not prevail upon him to do so.
For Izates knew so well the strength and good fortune of
the Romans, that he thought Yardanes was attempting
what was impossible. And having besides sent his sons,
five in number, and those but young also, to learn accu¬
rately the language and learning of our nation, as he had

1 This privilege of wearing the tiara, upright, or with the tip of the
cone erect, is known to have been of old peculiar to great kings, from
Xenophon and others, as Dr. Hudson observes here.—W.

5 Eisibin, in Mesopotamia.

CHAP. IT.]

ANTIQUITIES OP THE JEWS.

387

sent his mother to worship at our temple, as I have related
already, he was still more reluctant, and tried to restrain
Vardanes, telling him perpetually of the great armies and
famous actions of the Romans, and thinking thereby to
frighten him, and hinder him from his desire for an expedi¬
tion against them. But the Parthian king was provoked
at this behaviour, and proclaimed war immediately against
Izates. Yet did he gain no advantage by this war, because
' God cut off all his hopes therein; for the Parthians, per¬
ceiving Vardanes’ intention, and how he had determined to
war against the Romans, slew him, and gave his kingdom
to his brother Cotardes. He also in no long time perished
by a plot made against him, and Vologeses, his brother,
succeeded him, who entrusted his kingdoms to two of his
brothers by the same father, Media to the elder Pacorus,
and Armenia to the younger Tiridates.

CHAP. IV.

How Izates was betrayed by his own Subjects , and fought
against by the Arabians; and how, by the Providence of
God, he was delivered out of their hands.

§ 1 -

OW when the king’s brother, Monobazus, and his

1 ' other kinsman, saw how Izates, owing to his piety to
God and inherent goodness of character, was become greatly
esteemed by all men, they also had a desire to leave the
religion of their country, and to embrace that of the Jews,
and they carried out their intention. But this act of theirs
was discovered by Izates’ subjects, and the grandees were
much displeased at it, but dissembled their anger, only
they intended, when they could find a convenient oppor¬
tunity, to inflict punishment upon them. Accordingly,
they wrote to Abias, king of the Arabians, and promised
him great sums of money, if he would make an expedition
against their king : and further promised him that on the
first onset they would desert their king, for they wished
to punish him because of the hatred he had to their

388 THE WORKS OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XX.

religion, and they bound themselves by oaths to be faithful
to each other, and begged that he would lose no time in the
matter. The king of Arabia complied with their request,
and brought a great army into the field, and marched
against Izates without delay; and at the first onset, and
before they came to close fight, all those grandees, as if
in a panic, deserted Izates, as they had agreed to do,
and turned their backs upon their enemies, and ran away.
But Izates was not dismayed at this, but as he saw that
the grandees had betrayed him, he also retired to his
camp, and made inquiry into the matter; and as soon as
he knew who they were that had made this conspiracy with
the king of Arabia, he put to death those that were found
guilty, and renewed the fight the next day, and slew most
of his enemies, and forced all the rest to betake them¬
selves to flight. He also pursued their king, and drove
him into a fortress called Arsamus, 1 and, following up the
siege vigorously, he took that fortress. And, when he had
plundered it of all the spoil that was in it, which was not
small, he returned to Adiabene, but he did not take Abias
alive; because, as he found himself surrounded on every side,
he slew himself, before he could fall into the hands of Izates.

§ 2. But although the grandees of Adiabene had failed
in their first attempt, being delivered up by God into
their king’s hands, yet would they not be quiet even then,
but wrote again to Vologeses, who was now king of Parthia,
and begged that he would kill Izates, and set over them
some other potentate, who should be a Parthian by race;
for they said they hated their own king for changing the
laws of their forefathers, and being enamoured of foreign
customs. When the king of Parthia heard this, he was
elated at the idea of war, and as he had no just pretext for it,
he sent and demanded back those honours which had been
bestowed on Izates by Artabanus, and threatened, on his
refusal, to war against him. Upon hearing this, Izates
was in no small trouble of mind, thinking it would be a
reproach upon him to appear to resign those honours that
had been bestowed upon him from fear; but because he
knew that the king of Parthia would not be quiet, even if

1 Site unknown.

CHAP, IV.]

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

389

he should receive back those honours, he resolved to com¬
mit himself to God, his protector, in the present danger
he was in of his life: and as he esteemed God his principal
help, he placed his children and wives in a very strong
fortress, and stored up his com in citadels, and set the hay
and grass on fire. And when he had thus put things in
order as well as he could, he awaited the coming of the
enemy. And when the king of Parthia was come with a
great army of foot and horse, which he did sooner than was
expected, (for he marched in great haste,) and had in¬
trenched himself at the river that separated Adiabene from
Media, Izates also pitched his camp not far off, having with
him six thousand horse. But a messenger, sent by the
king of Parthia, came to Izates, and told him, how great the
power of the king of Parthia was, as his dominions extended
from the river Euphrates to Bactria, 1 and enumerated the
king’s subjects. He also threatened him, that he should be
punished, as a person ungrateful to his master, and added,
that the God whom he worshipped could not deliver him
out of the king’s hands. When the messenger had de¬
livered this message, Izates replied that he knew the king
of Parthia’s power was much greater than his own, but he
knew also that God was much more powerful than all men.
And when he had returned this answer, he betook himself
to make supplication to God, and threw himself upon the
ground, and defiled his head with ashes, and fasted
with his wives and children, and called upon God, and
said, “ O Lord and Governor, if I have not in vain com¬
mitted myself to thy goodness, but have justly esteemed
thee the only Lord and chief protector and master of all
beings, come now to my assistance, and defend me from my
enemies, not only on my own account, but on account of
their insolent behaviour with regard to thy power, for
they have not feared to lift up their proud and arrogant
tongue against thee.” Thus did he lament with weeping
and wailing. And God heard his prayer, for immediately,
that very night, Yologeses received letters, the contents of
which were that a great band of Dahse and Sacse, despising
him now he had gone so long a journey from home, had

1 Balkh, south of the Oxus in Afghan Turkistan.

390

THE WORKS OP FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XX.

made an expedition, and laid Parthia waste, so he went home
again without effecting his purpose. And thus Izates escaped
the threatenings of the Parthian by the providence of God.

§ 3. And not long after Izates died, when he had com¬
pleted fifty-five years of his life, and had ruled his kingdom
twenty-four years. He left behind him twenty-four sons
and twenty-four daughters. And he gave orders that his
brother Monobazus should succeed him as king, thereby
requiting him, because, when he was himself absent after
his father’s death, he had faithfully preserved the kingdom
for him. But when his mother Helena heard of her son’s
death, she was in great heaviness, as was but natural upon
the loss of a most dutiful son; yet was it a comfort to her
to hear that the succession came to her eldest son. Ac¬
cordingly, she went to him in haste, and when she had
reached Adiabene, she did not long outlive her son Izates,
but soon expired, being worn out with old age and grief.
And Monobazus sent her bones and those of Izates his
brother to Jerusalem, and gave orders that they should be
buried in the pyramids which their mother had erected;
they were three in number, 1 and three furlongs from the city
of Jerusalem. As for the actions of Monobazus the king,
which he did during the rest of his life, I shall relate them
hereafter. 2

CHAP. V.

Concerning Theudas, and the Sons of Judas the Galilcean ;
as also what calamity fell upon the Jews on the Day of the
Passover.

§ L .

N OW when Fadus was administrator of Judaea, a cer¬
tain impostor, whose name was Theudas, 3 urged a
great part of the people to take their effects with them, and

1 The tomb of Helena, Queen of Adiabene, is usually identified with
the ‘ Tombs of the Kings,’ north of Jerusalem. No traces of the three
pyramids remain.

3 This account is now wanting.—W.

3 This Theudas, who arose under Fadus the procurator, about a.d.
45 or 46, could not be the Theudas who arose in the days of the taxing,
under Cyrenius, or about a.d. 7, Acts v. 36, 37.— W.

CHAP. V.]

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

391

follow him to the river Jordan; for he told them he was a
prophet, and that he would, by his own command, divide
the river, and afford them an easy passage over it: and
many were deluded by his words. However, Fadus did not
permit them to reap any advantage from their folly, but
despatched a troop of horse against them, who, falling upon
them unexpectedly, slew many of them, and took many of
them alive. They also took Theudas himself alive, and cut
off his head, and carried it to Jerusalem. This was what
befell the Jews in the time of Cuspius Fadus’ administration.

§ 2. Tiberius Alexander came as successor to Fadus; he
was the son of Alexander the Alabarch of Alexandria,
who was foremost among his contemporaries both for his
family and wealth: he was also more eminent for piety
than his son Alexander, for he did not continue in the
religion of his country. Under these administrators it
was that that great famine happened in Judsea, when
queen Helena bought com in Egypt at a great expense,
and distributed it to those that were in want, as I have re¬
lated already. Moreover the sons of that Judas of Galilee
were now slain, who caused the people to revolt from the
Romans, when Cyrenius came to assess the estates of the
Jews, as I have shown in a previous book. The names of
these sons were James and Simon, and Alexander com¬
manded them to he crucified. And Herod, king of Chalcis, 1
removed Joseph, the son of Cemede, from the high priest¬
hood, and made Ananias, the son of Nebedaeus, his suc¬
cessor. And Cumanus came as successor to Tiberius
Alexander, and Herod, brother of Agrippa the Great,
departed this life in the eighth year of the reign of Claudius
Csesar. He left behind him three sons, Aristobulus, whom
he had by his first wife, and Berenicianus and Hyrcanus,
who were both by Berenice his brother’s daughter. But
Claudius Csesar bestowed his dominions on Agrippa Junior.

§ 3. Now while the Jewish affairs were under the ad¬
ministration of Cumanus, there happened a great tumult
at the city of Jerusalem, and many of the Jews perished
therein. I shall first explain the reason why it happened.
When the feast, which is called the Passover, was at hand,

1 Kinnisrin.

392 THE WORKS OP FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XX.

(at which time our custom is to use unleavened bread), and
a great multitude had gathered together from all parts to
that feast, Cumanus was afraid lest some disturbance should
then be made by them ; so he ordered that one regiment
of soldiers should take their arms, and stand in the temple
porticoes, to suppress any riot which might occur, which
was no more than what former governors of Judaea had
done at such festivals. But on the fourth day of the feast
a certain soldier exposed his person to the multitude,
which put those that saw him into a furious rage, and
made them cry out, that this shameful action was not done
to insult them, but God himself. Nay, some of the bolder
ones reproached Cumanus, and pretended that the soldier
was set on to act so by him, and when Cumanus heard
that, he was not a little provoked at such reproaches, yet
did he exhort them to leave off the desire for riot, and
not to raise a tumult at the festival. But as he could
not induce them to be quiet, for they still went on the
more reproaching him, he gave order that the whole army
should take their entire armour, and go to Antonia, which
was a fortress, (as I have said already), which overlooked the
temple; but when the multitude saw the soldiers there,
they were frightened at them, and ran away hastily: but
as the passages out were narrow, and as they thought their
enemies followed them, they crowded together in their
flight, and a great number were pressed to death in these
narrow passages. So that no fewer than twenty thousand
perished in this tumult. Thus, instead of a festival, they
had at last mourning, and they all forgot their prayers and
sacrifices, and betook themselves to lamentation and weep¬
ing; so great an affliction did the obscene conduct of a
single soldier bring upon them. 1

§ 4. Now before this their first mourning was over,
another mischief befell them also; for some of those that
had raised this riot robbed Stephanus, a slave of Caesar, as

1 This and many more tumults and seditions, which arose at the
Jewish festivals, illustrate the cautious procedure of the Jewish
governors, when they said, Matt. xxvi. 5, “ Let us not take Jesus on the
feast-day, lest there be an uproar among the people ; ” as Keland well
observes on this place. Josephus also takes notice of the same thing,
Jewish War, i. 4, § 3.—W.

CHAP. VI.]

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

393

he was journeying along the public road, about a hundred
furlongs from the city, and plundered him of all that he
had with him. And when Cumanus heard of this, he sent
soldiers immediately, and ordered them to plunder the
neighbouring villages, and to bring the most eminent
persons among them in bonds to him, for he would exact
vengeance for this audacious act. Now, as these villages
were being ravaged, one of the soldiers seized the laws of
Moses that lay in one of the villages, and brought them
out before the eyes of all present, and tore them to pieces,
and did this with reproachful language and much scurrility.
Now when the Jews heard of this, they ran together
in great numbers, and went down to Csesarea, where
Cumanus then was, and besought him that he would avenge,
not themselves, but God himself, whose laws had been in¬
sulted, for they could not bear to live any longer, if the
laws of their forefathers must be insulted in this manner.
Then Cumanus, fearing that the multitude would go in for
another riot, following also the advice of his friends, had
the soldier beheaded who had offered this insult to the
laws, and so put a stop to the riot which was likely to
burst out a second time.

CHAP. VI.

How a Quarrel happened between the Jews and the Samaritans,
and how Claudius put an End to their Differences.

SI-

QUARREL also arose between the Samaritans and

it the Jews for the following reason. It was the custom
of the Galilseans, when they came to the holy city for
the festivals, to journey through the country of the
Samaritans ; 1 and at this time there lay in the road they

1 This constant passage of the Galilseans through the country of
Samaria, as they went to Judaea and Jerusalem, illustrates several
passages in the Gospels to the same purpose, as Dr. Hudson rightly
observes. See Luke xvii. 11 ; John iv. 4. See also Josephus’ Life, § 52,
where the journey is said to take three days.—W.

394 THE WORKS OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XX.

took a village that was called Ginasa’ (which was situated
on the borders of Samaria and the great plain,) some in¬
habitants of which fought with the Galilseans, and killed
many of them. And when the leading Galilseans heard of
what* had been done, they went to Cumanus, and desired
him to avenge the murder of those that had been killed:
but he was bribed with money by the Samaritans to do no¬
thing in the matter. And the Galilseans were much dis¬
pleased at this, and urged the multitude of the Jews to
betake themselves to arms, and to regain their liberty, and
said that slavery was in itself a bitter thing, but when it
was joined with injuries, it was perfectly intolerable. And
when their principal men endeavoured to pacify them, and
tried to stop the tumult, and promised to endeavour to
persuade Cumanus to avenge those that were killed, they
would not hearken to them, but took their weapons, and
entreated the assistance of Eleazar, the son of Dinseus (a
robber, who had many years made his abode in the moun¬
tain), and set on fire and plundered several villages of the
Samaritans. When Cumanus heard of this action of theirs,
he took the troop of horse at Sebaste, 2 and four regiments
of foot, and armed the Samaritans, and marched out against
the Jews, and came up with them, and slew a great number
of them, but took more alive; whereupon those that were
the most eminent persons at Jerusalem in reputation and
family, as soon as they saw to what a height of calamity
things had come, put on sackcloth, and heaped ashes upon
their heads, and in all kind of ways besought and urged
the insurgents to consider the utter ruin of their country,
the conflagration of their temple, and the-slavery of them¬
selves their wives and children, which would be the result
of what they were doing, and to alter their minds, and
cast away their weapons, and for the future be quiet, and
return to their own homes. These arguments prevailed
with them. So the people dispersed, and the robbers went
away again to their strongholds. And from this time all
Judsea was overrun with bands of robbers.

§ 2. But the leading persons of the Samaritans went to
Ummidius Quadratus, the governor of Syria, who was at this

1 Jenin, on the borders of the plain of Esdraelon.

3 Sebustieh.

CHAP. VI.]

ANTIQUITIES OP THE JEWS.

395

time at Tyre, and accused the Jews of setting their villages
on fire, and plundering them. They also said that they
were not so much displeased at what they had themselves
suffered, as they were at the contempt thereby shown to the
Romans, for if the Jews had received any injury,' they
ought to have made the Romans the judges of what had
been done, and not overrun the country, as if they had not
the Romans for their governors. So they now came to him
to obtain satisfaction. This was the accusation which the
Samaritans brought against the Jews. But the Jews
affirmed that the Samaritans were the authors of this
tumult and fighting, and before everything maintained
that Cumanus had been bribed by their gifts, and so passed
over in silence the murder of those that had been slain.
When Quadratus heard this, he put off the hearing of the
case, and said he would give sentence after he went into
Judaea, and got a more exact knowledge of the truth.
So they went away without effecting their object: but not
long afterwards Quadratus came to Samaria, where, upon
hearing the case, he came to the conclusion that the
Samaritans were the authors of the disturbance. But,
when he was informed that some of the Jews were for
revolution, he ordered those whom Cumanus had taken
captive to be crucified. From thence he went to a certain
village called Lydda, 1 which was as big as a city, and there
heard the Samaritans a second time before his tribunal,
and there learned from a certain Samaritan, that one of
the chief of the Jews, whose name was Dortus, and some
other riotous persons with him, four in number, had
urged the multitude to revolt from the Romans. And
Quadratus ordered them to be put to death, but he sent
Ananias the high priest and Ananus the commander in
bonds to Rome, to give account for what they had done to
Claudius Csesar. He also ordered the principal persons
both of the Samaritans and the Jews, as also Cumanus the
governor, and Celer the tribune, to go to Italy to the
emperor, to be judged before him as to their differences
with one another. He next went to the city of Jerusalem,
fearing that the multitude of the Jews would again attempt

1 Ludd.

396

THE WORKS OP FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XX.

a riot, but he found the city in a peaceable state, and cele¬
brating one of their usual festivals to God. So he believed
that they would not attempt any rioting, and left them
celebrating the festival, and returned to Antioch.

§ 3. Now Cumanus, and the principal Samaritans, who
were sent to Rome, had a day appointed them by the
emperor, on which they were to plead their cause about their
differences with one another. But the Emperor’s freed-
men and friends were very zealous on behalf of Cumanus
and the Samaritans, and they would have prevailed over
the Jews, had not Agrippa Junior, who was then at Rome,
observing that the principal of the Jews were hard set,
earnestly entreated Agrippina, the emperor’s wife, to urge
her husband to hear the case, as was agreeable to his
justice, and to condemn those to be punished who were
really the authors of the insurrection. And Claudius was
moved by this request and heard the case, and when he
found that the Samaritans had been the ringleaders in
these troubles, he gave orders that those who had come
up to him should be slain, and that Cumanus should be
banished. He also gave orders that Celer the tribune
should be carried back to Jerusalem, and should be drawn
through the city in the sight of all the people, and then
put to death.

CHAP. YTI.

Felix is made Governor of Judaea; also concerning Agrippa
Junior and his Sisters.

§ 1 -

T HEN Claudius sent Felix, the brother of Pallas, to ad¬
minister affairs in Judaea. And when he had already
completed the twelfth year of his reign, he bestowed upon
Agrippa the tetrarchy of Philip and Batanaea, 1 and added
thereto Trachonitis 2 and Abila, 3 which last had been the
tetrarchy of Lysanias, but he took from him Chalcis,
when he had reigned over it four years. And when

1 See Antiq. xvii. 8, § 1. 2 el-Lejah. 3 See Antiq. xix, 5, § 1.

CHAP. VII.] ANTIQUITIES OP THE JEWS. 397

Agripp a had received these gifts from the Emperor, he
gave his sister Drusilla in marriage to Azizus, king of
Emesa, upon his consent to be circumcised. For Epiphanes,
the son of king Antiochus, refused to marry her, not wish¬
ing to come over to the Jewish religion, though he had
promised her father formerly he would do so. Agrippa
also gave Mariamne in marriage to Archelaus, the son of
Helcias, to whom she had formerly been betrothed by her
father Agrippa; of which marriage came a daughter, whose
name was Berenice.

§ 2. As for the marriage of Drusilla and Azizus, it was
no long time afterwards dissolved for the following reason.
When Felix was governor of Judaea, he saw this Drusilla,
and fell in love with her, for she did indeed excel all other
women in beauty, and he sent to her a person whose name
was Simon, one of his friends, a Jew, bom in Cyprus, who
pretended to be a magician, and endeavoured to persuade
her to forsake her present husband, and marry Felix, and
promised, that if she would not refuse Felix, he would make
her a happy woman. Accordingly she acted wickedly, and
because she was desirous to avoid her sister Berenice’s envy
(for she was very ill treated by her on account of her
beauty), was prevailed upon to transgress the laws of her
forefathers, and to marry Felix. And she had a son by
him, whom she called Agrippa. And how that young man
and his wife perished at the conflagration of Mount Ve¬
suvius, in the days of Titus Caesar, shall be related here¬
after. 1

§ 3. As for Berenice, she lived a widow a good while
after the death of Herod [king of Chalcis], who was both
her husband and uncle, but when the report went that she
committed incest with her brother [Agrippa Junior], she
urged Polemo, who was king of Cilicia, 2 to be circumcised
and to marry her, supposing that by this means she should
prove those calumnies to be false; and Polemo listened to
her chiefly on account of her riches. But this marriage did
not continue long, for Berenice soon left Polemo, owing, as
was said, to her licentiousness. And he left simultaneously

1 This is now wanting.—W.

2 The south-eastern portion of Asia Minor; now the Vilayet of
Adana.

398

THE WORKS OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XX.

both his marriage and the Jewish religion. At the same time
Mariamne put away Archelaus, and married Demetrius,
the principal man among the Alexandrian Jews, both for
his family and wealth; and indeed he was then their
Alabarch. And she named the son whom she had by him
Agrippinus. But of all these particulars I shall hereafter
speak more exactly. 1

CHAP. VIII.

How, upon the Death of Claudius, Nero succeeded as Em¬
peror, as also what barbarous things he did. Concerning
the Robbers, Murderers, and Impostors that arose while
Felix and Festus were Governors of Judcea.

§ 1 .

OW Claudius Caesar died when he had reigned thir-

I ' teen years, eight months, and twenty days; and a
report went about from some that he was poisoned by his
wife Agrippina. Her father was Germanicus, the Emperor’s
brother, and her first husband was Domitius JEnobarbus,
one of the most illustrious persons in the city of Rome; after
whose death, when she had long continued in widowhood,
Claudius married her, and she brought with her a son,
Domitius, of the same name as his father. Claudius
before this had his wife Messalina slain out of jealousy,
by whom he had had a son Britannieus and a daughter
Octavia; their eldest sister was Antonia, whom he had by
Petina his first wife. And he married Octavia to Nero;
for that was the name that Claudius gave Domitius after
adopting him as his son.

§ 2. But Agrippina being afraid that, when Brit anni eus
should come to man’s estate, he would succeed his father
as emperor, and desiring to secure the empire beforehand
for her own son Nero, according to report contrived the
death of Claudius, and immediately sent Burras, the
general of the army, and the tribunes with him, and such
also of the freedmen as had the greatest influence, to take
Nero away to the camp, and salute him emperor. And

1 This is now wanting.—W.

CHAP. Till.] ANTIQUITIES OP THE JEWS.

399

when Nero had thus obtained the empire, he got Britanni-
cus poisoned so that the multitude should not know of
it, but publicly put his own mother to death not long
afterwards, making her this requital, not only for being
her son, but by bringing it about by her intrigues that
he obtained the Roman empire. He also slew his wife
Octavia and many other illustrious persons, under the pre¬
text that they plotted against him.

§ 3. But I omit any further discourse about these affairs,
for many have composed the history of Nero, some of whom
have neglected the truth out of favour to him, having re¬
ceived benefits from him, while others, out of hatred to
him, and from the great ill-will which they bore him, have so
impudently raved against him with their lies, that they
justly deserve to be condemned. But I do not wonder at
such as have told lies of Nero, since they have not in their
writings preserved the truth of history as to facts earlier
than his time, even when the persons concerned could have
no way incurred their hatred, since those writers lived a
long time after them. But as to those that have no regard
to truth, they may write as they please; for in that they
seem to take delight: but as to ourselves, who have made
truth our direct aim, we shall briefly touch upon what only
belongs remotely to our undertaking, but shall relate what
has happened to us Jews with great fulness, and shall not
shrink from giving an accurate account both of the calami¬
ties we have suffered, and of the faults we have been guilty
of. I will now therefore return to the relation of our
affairs.

§ 4. In the first year of the reign of Nero, upon the
death of Azizus, king of Emesa, his brother Sohemus suc¬
ceeded him in the kingdom. And Aristobulus, the son of
Herod, king of Chalcis, was entrusted by Nero with the
government of Lesser Armenia. The emperor also be¬
stowed on Agrippa a certain part of Galilee, ordering
Tiberias 1 and Tarichese 2 to submit to his jurisdiction. He
gave him also Julias, 3 a city in Persea, and fourteen villages
that lay about it.

1 Tubarlyti.

2 Probably Kerak, at the south end of the Sea of Galilee.

3 Bethsaida-Julias. See Antiq. xviii. 2, § 1, and 4, § 6.

400 THE WORKS OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XX.

§ 5. Now the affairs of the Jews grew worse and worse
continually. For the country was again full of bands of
robbers, and of impostors who deluded the multitude.
Yet did Felix capture and put to death many of these
impostors every day, as well as the robbers. He also
took alive Eleazar, the son of Dinaeus, who had got to¬
gether a company of robbers, and this he did by treachery,
for he gave him assurance that he should suffer no harm,
and so persuaded him to come to him; but when he came
he bound him, and sent him to Borne. Felix was also
vexed with the high priest Jonathan, because he frequently
gave him admonitions about governing the Jewish affairs
better than he did, lest he should himself have complaints
made of him by the multitude, since it was he who had
asked Claudius to send him as governor of Judeea. So Felix
contrived a method whereby he might get rid of him, now
he was become so continually troublesome to him; for
continual admonition is grievous to those who are disposed
to act unjustly. So in consequence of this Felix persuaded one
of Jonathan’s most trusted friends, a native of Jerusalem,
whose name was Doras, to bring the robbers upon Jonathan
to kill him; and this he did by promising to give him a
great deal of money for so doing. Doras complied with
the proposal, and contrived matters so, that the robbers
might murder him in the following manner. Certain of
those robbers went up to the city, as if they were going to
worship God, but with daggers under their garments, and
mingling themselves with the multitude slew Jonathan.
And as this murder was never punished, the robbers went
up with the greatest security to the festivals after this
time, and having their weapons concealed in like manner
as before, and mingling themselves with the multitude,
they slew both their own enemies and those whom other
men wanted them to kill for money, not only in other parts
of the city, but some even in the temple itself, for they
had the boldness to murder men there, without thinking
of the impiety of which they were guilty. And this seems
to me the reason why God, out of his hatred of these men’s
wickedness, rejected our city, and no longer judged the
temple sufficiently pure for him to dwell therein, but
brought the Romans upon us, and threw a fire upon the-

CHAP. VIII.] ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

401

city to purge it, and brought slavery upon us and our
wives and children, being desirous to sober us by our
calamities.

§ 6. With such impiety did the actions that were done
by the robbers fill the city. And impostors and deceivers
urged the multitude to follow them into the wilderness,
and pretended that they would exhibit manifest wonders
and signs, that should be performed by the providence of
G-od. And many that were persuaded by them suffered
the punishment of their folly: for Felix brought them
back, and then punished them. There also came out of
Egypt about this time to Jerusalem one that said he was
a prophet, and advised the multitude of the common people
to go along with him to the Mount of Olives, as it was
called, which lay opposite the city at five furlongs dis¬
tance : for he said he wished to show them from thence,
how, at his command, the walls of Jerusalem would fall
down, through which he promised to procure them an en¬
trance into the city. Now, when Felix was informed of this,
he ordered his soldiers to take their weapons, and himself set
out from Jerusalem with a great number of horse and foot,
and attacked the Egyptian and those that were with him,
and slew four hundred of them, and took two hundred
alive. But the Egyptian himself escaped out of the fight,
and did not appear any more. And again the robbers
stirred up the people to make war against the Romans,
and said they ought not to obey them at all, and if any
persons would not comply with them, they set fire to their
villages, and plundered them.

§ 7. And now a great quarrel arose between the Jews
and Syrians who inhabited Csesarea, as to their equal right
to the privileges of citizenship. For the Jews claimed
the pre-eminence, because Herod their king, the founder
of Caesarea, was by birth a Jew. Now the Syrians did
not deny what was stated about Herod, but they said
that Caesarea was formerly called Strato’s Tower, and that
then there was not one Jewish inhabitant in the city.
When the rulers of that district heard of this, they arrested
the ringleaders of this dispute on both sides, and tormented
them with stripes, and so put a stop to the disturbance for
a time. But the Jewish citizens, relying on their wealth,

III. d d

402 THE WORKS OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XX.

and on that account despising the Syrians, reproached
them again, and hoped to provoke them by their re¬
proaches. However, the Syrians, though they were inferior
in wealth, valued themselves highly because most that
served there as soldiers under the Romans were from
Caesarea 1 or Sebaste, 2 so they also for some time used re¬
proachful language to the Jews, till at last they came to
throwing stones at one another, and several were wounded
and fell on both sides, though the Jews were the conquerors.
But when Felix saw that this quarrel was become a kind of
war, he sprung forward and desired the Jews to desist, and
when they refused so to do, he armed his soldiers, and sent
them out at them, and slew many of them, and took more
of them alive, and permitted his soldiers to plunder some
of the houses of many of the citizens, which were full of
riches. And now the Jews that were more moderate, and
of principal dignity among them, were afraid for them¬
selves, and begged of Felix that he would sound a retreat
to his soldiers, and spare them for the future, and give
them opportunity to repent of what they had done ; and
Felix was prevailed upon to do so.

§ 8. About this time king Agrippa gave the high priest¬
hood to Islimael, who was the son of Fabi. And now
arose dissension between the high priests and the leading
men of the multitude of Jerusalem, each of whom got
about them a company of the boldest sort of men, and of
those that loved innovation, and became leaders to them,
and when they met together, they cast reproachful words and
threw stones at one another. And there was nobody to punish
them, but these things were done with impunity as in a
city without a government. And such shamelessness and
boldness seized on the high priests, that they ventured to
send their slaves to the threshing floors, to take the tithes
that were due to the priests, so that the poorest sort of the
priests died for want. To this degree did the violence of
faction prevail over all right and justice!

§ 9. Now, when Porcius Festus was sent as successor to
Felix by Nero, the principal of the Jewish inhabitants of
Csesarea went up to Rome to accuse Felix; and he would

Kaisariyeh.

2 Sebustieh .

•CHAP. VIII.] ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

403

certainly have been brought to punishment for his offences
against the Jews, had not Nero yielded to the importunate
solicitations of his brother Pallas, who was at that time
held in the greatest honour by him. And two of the prin¬
cipal Syrians in Caesarea bribed Burras (who was Nero’s
tutor, and secretary for his Greek letters), by a great sum
of money, to disannul the equality of the privileges of
citizenship which the Jews enjoyed with the Syrians. And
Burras by his solicitations obtained leave of the emperor
that a letter should be written to that purpose. This letter
became the occasion of the subsequent miseries that befell
our nation; for, when the Jews of Caesarea were informed
of the contents of this letter to the Syrians, they were more
disorderly than ever, till they kindled a war.

§ 10. Upon Festus’ coming into Judaea, it happened that
Judaea was afflicted by the robbers, as all the villages were
set on fire, and plundered by them. And now it was that
the Sicarii, as they were called (who were robbers) grew
numerous. They made use of small swords, very similar
in size to the Persian acinaces, but somewhat crooked, and
like the Roman sicae, as they were called, and from these
weapons these robbers got their denomination, and with
these weapons they slew a great many. For they mingled
themselves among the multitude at their festivals, as I said
before, when they came up in crowds from all parts to the
city to worship God, and easily slew those they had a mind
to slay. They also came frequently with their weapons to
the villages belonging to their enemies, and plundered them,
and set them on fire. And Festus sent forces both of horse
and foot, to fall upon those that had been seduced by a cer¬
tain impostor, who promised them deliverance and freedom
from the miseries they suffered from, if they would but
follow him as far as the wilderness. And the forces that
were sent destroyed both the impostor and his followers.

§ 11. About this time king Agrippa built himself a very
large dining-room in the royal palace at Jerusalem, near the
portico. This palace had been erected of old by the sons
of Asamonseus, and was situated upon an elevation, and
afforded a most delightful prospect to those who wished
to overlook the city, which prospect was desired by the
king, for there he could recline and see what was being

404

THE WORKS OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XX.

done in the temple. Now when the chief men of Jerusalem
observed this, they were very much displeased ; for it was
not agreeable to the habits or laws of our country, that what
was done in the temple should be overlooked, especially what
belonged to the sacrifices. They therefore erected a high
wall before the hall in the inner part of the temple towards
the west, and this wall, when it was built, did not only inter¬
cept the view from the dining-room in the palace, but also the
view from the western portico in the outer part of the
temple, where the Romans kept guard near the temple at
the festivals. At these doings king Agrippa was much dis¬
pleased, and still more Festus the governor, and Festus
ordered them to pull the wall down again ; but the Jews
petitioned him to give them leave to send an embassage
about this matter to Nero; for they said they could not
endure to live, if any part of the temple were demolished;
and when Festus had given them leave to do so they sent
ten of their principal men to Nero, as also Ishmael the high
priest, and Helcias the keeper of the sacred treasure. And
when Nero had heard what they had to say, he not only
forgave them what they had already done, but also gave
them leave to let the wall they had built stand, in order to
gratify his wife Poppaea, who was a religious woman, and
had requested these favours of Nero, and who gave orders
to the ten ambassadors to go their way home, but retained
Helcias and Ishmael as hostages with herself. As soon as
the king heard this news, he gave the high priesthood to
Joseph (who was called Cabi), the son of Simon who was
formerly high priest.

CHAP. IX.

Concerning Albinus , under whose Governorship James was
slain, also what Edifices were built by Agrippa.

§ 1 -

ND Nero, upon hearing of the death of Festus, sent

Albinus into Judaea, as governor. And king Agrippa
deprived Joseph of the high priesthood, and bestowed the
succession to that dignity on the son of Ananus, who was

CHAP, IX,] ANTIQUITIES OP THE JEWS. 405

also himself called Ananus. They say that this older
Ananus was a most fortunate man; for he had five sons,
who were all high priests to God, and he had himself en¬
joyed that dignity a very long time formerly, which had
never happened to any other of our high priests. But the
younger Ananus, who, as I have said already, succeeded to
the high priesthood, was a bold man in his temper, and
very audacious, and followed the sect of the Sadducees,
who are more severe in punishing offenders than all
other Jews, as I have already shown. As therefore
Ananus was of such a disposition, he thought he had now
a good opportunity [to exercise his authority,] as Festus
was now dead, and Albinus was still on the road, so he as¬
sembled the sanhedrim of judges, and brought before them
the brother of Jesus who was called Christ, whose name
was James, and some others, and having accused them as
breakers of the law, he delivered them over to be stoned.
But those who seemed the most moderate of the citizens,
and strict in the observance of the laws, disliked what was
done ; and secretly sent to king Agrippa, beseeching him to
bid Ananus to act so no more, for what he had already done
was not done rightly. Nay, some of them also went to meet
Albinus, as he was upon his journey from Alexandria, and
informed him that it was not lawful for Ananus to assemble
a sanhedrim without his consent. And Albinus listened to
what they said, and wrote in anger to Ananus, and threat¬
ened that he would bring him to punishment for what he
had done. And king Agrippa took the high priesthood
from him, when he had ruled but three months, and made
Jesus the son of Damnaeus high priest.

§ 2. Now as soon as Albinus was come to the city of
Jerusalem, he used all his endeavours and care that the
country might be kept in peace, so he slew many of the
Sicarii. As for the high priest Ananias, he increased in
credit every day, and obtained the favour and esteem of the
citizens in a signal manner. For he was a great maker of
money ; so he daily courted the friendship of Albinus and
the high priest by making them presents. But he had
servants who were very wicked, who joined themselves to
the boldest sort of the people, and went to the threshing-
floors, and took away by violence the tithes that belonged

406 THE WORKS OP FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [book XX.

to the priests, and did not refrain from beating such as
would not give these tithes to them. And the high priests
acted in the same manner as Ananias’ servants did, without
any one’s being able to prevent them. And so [some of the]
priests that were wont of old to be supported with those
tithes, died for want of food.

§ 3. And the Sicarii again went into the city by night
just before the festival, for one was now at hand, and took
alive the scribe belonging to Eleazar the governor of the
temple (who was the son of Ananus the high priest), and
boimd him, and carried him away with them. They then
sent to Ananias, and said that they would send the scribe
to him, if he would persuade Albinus to release ten of their
party whom he had captured and put in bonds. So Ananias
was forced to beg Albinus to do so, and gained his request.
This was the beginning of greater calamities; for the
robbers perpetually contrived to take alive some of Ananias’
servants, and when they had captured them, they would
not let them go except in exchange for some of their own
Sicarii. And as they were again become no small number,
they grew bold again, and ravaged the whole country.

§ 4. About this time king Agrippa built Caesarea Philippi 1
larger than it was before, and, in honour of Nero called it
Neronias. And when he had built a theatre at Berytus 2 at
vast expense, he exhibited shows to the people there every
year, and spent therein many ten thousand [drachmae] ; for
he gave the people com and distributed oil among them.
And he adorned the entire city with statues of his own dona¬
tion, and with original images made by ancient hands, nay,
he almost transferred there all that was most ornamental
in his own kingdom. This made him greatly hated by his
subjects, because he took away the things that belonged to
them to adorn a foreign city. And now Jesus the son of
Gamaliel became the successor of Jesus, the son of £>am-
nseus, in the high priesthood, which the king had taken
from the latter; and so a quarrel arose between the high
priests, and they got together bodies of the boldest sort
of people, who frequently from reproaches proceeded to
throwing stones at each other. But Ananias got the best of
it, as by his riches he gained over those that were most

1 Banias. 2 Beirtit.

CHAP. IX.]

ANTIQUITIES OP THE JEWS.

407

ready to receive. Costobarus also and Saulus got together
a multitude of wicked wretches, for they were of the royal
family, and obtained favour because of their kindred'to
Agrippa, but they were violent and ready to plunder those
whoswere weaker thau themselves. And from that time
chiefly it came to pass, that our city greatly suffered,
and that all things grew worse and worse among us.

§ 5. Now when Albinus heard that Gessius Florus was
coming to succeed him, he was desirous to appear to have
done something for the people of Jerusalem, so he brought
out all those prisoners who seemed to him to be most
plainly deserving of death, and ordered them to be put to
death accordingly ; but as for those who had been put into
prison for some trifling matter, he took money of them, and
dismissed them. So the prisons were emptied, but the
country was filled with robbers.

§ 6. Now as many of the Levites (a tribe of ours) as
were singers of hymns urged the king to assemble a san¬
hedrim, and to give them leave to wear linen garments as
well as the priests ; for they said it would be a work worthy
the times of his government, to date from them the com¬
mencement of such a novelty. Nor did they fail to obtain
their desire ; for the king, with the suffrages of those who
came to the sanhedrim, granted the singers of hymns
this privilege, that they might lay aside their former gar¬
ments, and wear such a linen one as they desired; and as
part of this tribe ministered in the temple, he also per¬
mitted them to learn the hymns as they had besought him.
Now all this was contrary to the laws of our country, and
whenever they have been transgressed, we have never been
able to escape the punishment of such transgressions.

§ 7. And now the temple was quite finished. So, when
the people saw that the workmen, who were above eighteen
thousand, were unemployed, and as they received no wages
were in want, because they had earned their bread by their
labours about the temple, and as they were unwilling to
keep them out of the treasures deposited there from fear
of the Romans, though as they desired to make pro¬
vision for the workmen, they had a mind to expend those
treasures upon them (for if any one of them did but labour
for a single hour, he received his pay immediately), they

408

THE WORKS OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XX.

urged the king to rebuild the east portico. This portico
was on the outer part of the temple, and lay in a deep
valley, and had walls four. hundred cubits [in length],
built of square and very white stones, the length of
each stone being twenty cubits, and the height six cubits.
This was the work of king Solomon, who first of all built
the entire temple. But king Agrippa (who had the care of
the temple committed to him by Claudius Caesar), consider¬
ing that it is easy to demolish any building, but hard to
build it up again, and that it was particularly so in the
case of this portico (for it would require a considerable
time and great sums of money), denied the petitioners
their request about this matter; but he did not prevent
their paving the city with white stone. He also deprived
Jesus the son of Gamaliel of the high priesthood, and gave
it to Matthias, the son of Theophilus, under whom the war
between the Jews and Homans began.

CHAP. X.

An enumeration of the High Priests.

§ !•

I NOW think it necessary and proper for this history to
give an account of our high priests; how they began,
who had that dignity, and how many of them there were to
the end of the war. They say then that Aaron, the brother
of Moses, first officiated to God as high priest, and that
after his death his sons immediately succeeded him, and
that this dignity has been continued down from them to
all their posterity. Hence it is a custom of our country,
that no one should take the high priesthood of God, but he
who is of the blood of Aaron, while every one that is of
another stock, though he were a king, can never obtain
that high priesthood. Accordingly, the number of all the
high priests from Aaron, who was (as I have said) first of
them, until Phinees, who was made high priest during the
war by the seditious, was eighty-three. Thirteen of these
officiated as high priests from the days of Moses in the

CHAP. X.]

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

409

wilderness, while the tabernacle was standing, until the
people came into Judaea, when king Solomon erected the
temple to God: for at first they held the high priesthood
till the end of their life, though afterwards they had suc¬
cessors even while they were alive. And these thirteen,
who were descendants of the two sons of Aaron, received
this dignity by succession, one after another. Now their
first form of government was an aristocracy, and after that
a monarchy, and in the third place the government was
regal. Now the number of years during the rule of these
thirteen, from the day when our fathers departed out of
Egypt, under Moses as their leader, until the building of
the temple which king Solomon erected at Jerusalem, was
six hundred and twelve. After those thirteen high priests,
eighteen took the high priesthood at Jerusalem, one in
succession to another, from the days of king Solomon, until
Nebuchadnezzar, king of Babylon, made an expedition
against Jerusalem and burnt the temple, and removed our
nation to Babylon, and took Josedek the high priest cap¬
tive. The time of these high priests was four hundred and
sixty-six years six months and ten days, while the Jews
were still under kingly government. But after the period of
seventy years’ captivity under the Babylonians, Cyrus, king
of Persia, sent the Jews from Babylon to their own land
again, and gave them leave to rebuild their temple; at
which time Jesus, the son of Josedek, took the high priest¬
hood over the captives when they had returned home. Now
he and his posterity, who were in all fifteen, lived under a
democratical government for four hundred and fourteen
years, until king Antiochus Eupator, and then the fore-
mentioned Antiochus, and Lysias the general of his army,
deprived Onias, who was also called Menelaus, of the high
priesthood, and slew him at Beroea, 1 and putting his son
out of the succession appointed Jacimus as high priest, who
was indeed of the stock of Aaron, but not of the family of
Onias. On which account Onias, who was cousin of the
Onias that was dead, and had the same name as his father,
went into Egypt, and became friendly with Ptolemy
Philometor and his wife Cleopatra, and persuaded them to

1 Aleppo.

410 THE WORKS OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XX.

make him high priest of the temple 1 which they had built
to God in the district of Heliopolis, in imitation of that at
Jerusalem; and as to that temple which was built in
Egypt, I have spoken of it frequently. Now, when Jacimus
had retained ithe priesthood three years, he died, and there
was no one that succeeded him, but the city continued
seven years without a high priest. After that the posterity
of the sons of Asamonseus, who had the government of the
nation conferred upon them, when they had beaten the Mace¬
donians in war, appointed Jonathan to be their high priest,
who ruled over them seven years. And when be had been
slain by the treacherous contrivance of Trypho, as I have
before related, Simon his brother took the high priesthood;
and when he was killed at a feast by the treachery of his
son-in-law, his son, whose name was Hyrcanus, succeeded
him, after he had held the high priesthood one year longer
than his brother. This Hyrcanus enjoyed the dignity thirty
years, and died an old man, leaving the succession to Judas,
who was also called Aristobulus, whose brother Alexander
succeeded him; this Judas died of illness, after he had
held the priesthood together with the royal authority (for
this Judas was the first that put on his head a diadem,
which he wore for one year). And when Alexander had
been both king and high priest for twenty-seven years, he
departed this life, and permitted his wife Alexandra to
appoint the next high priest; so she gave the high priest¬
hood to Hyrcanus, but retained the kingdom herself nine
years, and then departed this life. For the same period
only did her son Hyrcanus enjoy the high priesthood; for
after her death his brother Aristobulus fought against him,
and beat him, and deprived him of his high priesthood, and
did himself not only reign, but perform the office of high
priest to God. But when he had reigned three years and as
many months, Pompey came and took the city of Jerusalem
by storm, and put him and his children in bonds, and sent
them to Home. He also restored the high priesthood to
Hyrcanus, and made him ruler of the nation, but forbade
him to wear a diadem. This Hyrcanus ruled, besides his
first nine years, twenty-four years more, when Barzaphames
and Pacorus, rulers of the Parthians, crossed over the
1 Possibly at Tell el-Yehudi.

CHAP. XI.]

ANTIQUITIES OP THE JEWS.

411

Euphrates, and fought with Hjrcanus, and took him alive,
and made Antigonus, the son of Aristobulus, king ; and
when he had reigned three years and three months, Sossius
and Herod besieged and captured him, and Antony had
him brought to Antioch and slain there. And Herod, who
was then made king by the Romans, did no longer appoint
high priests out of the descendants of Asamonseus, hut
appointed to that office men of no note, and barely priests,
with the single exception of Aristobulus. For he made this
Aristobulus high priest, who was the grandson of Hyrcanus
who was taken by the Parthians, and married his sister Mari-
amne, only to win the good-will of the people, because of
their remembrance of Hyrcanus. But afterwards, being
afraid that all would fall away to Aristobulus, he put him to
death, contriving to have him suffocated as he was swim¬
ming at Jericho, as I have already related ; and after him
he never intrusted the high priesthood to the posterity of
the sons of Asmonaeus. Herod’s son Archelaus also acted
like his father in the appointment of high priests, as did the
Romans also, who took the government over the Jews into
their own hands after Archelaus. And the number of the
high priests, from the days of Herod until the day when
Titus took and burnt the temple and the city, was in all
twenty-eight, and the period they were high priests was a
hundred and seven years. Some of them took part in affairs
in the reigns of Herod and Archelaus his son, but after their
death the government became an aristocracy, and the high
priests were intrusted with dominion over the nation. Thus
much may suffice to say concerning our high priests.

CHAP. XI.

Concerning Gessius Florus the Governor, who forced the Jews
to take up arms against the Romans. Conclusion of the
Antiquities of the Jews.

§ I-

OW Gessius Florus, who was sent as successor to Albi-

JLN nus by Nero, filled Judaea with many miseries. He
was a native of Clazomense, and brought with him his wife

412

THE WORKS OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XX.

Cleopatra, (by whose friendship with Nero’s wife Poppaea
he obtained this government,) who was as wicked as he was.
This Floras was so bad and violent in the exercise of his
authority, that the Jews cried up Albinus as their bene¬
factor, so excessive were the evils that Floras brought
upon them. For Albinus concealed his wickedness, and
was careful that it might not be discovered by anybody;
but G-essius Floras, as though he had been despatched
to Judaea on purpose to display his crimes, ostenta¬
tiously showed his lawlessness to our nation, never
omitting any rapine or unjust punishment; for he was
not to be moved by pity, and was never satisfied with any
amount of gain, nor did he pay any more regard to great
than to small acquisitions, but went shares even with the
robbers. For many pursued that calling without fear, feeling
perfect security, because he went shares in their robberies;
so that there were no bounds set to the nation’s miseries;
but the unhappy Jews, being unable to bear the devasta¬
tions which the robbers made among them, were all forced
to leave their own habitations and flee away, as if they
could dwell better any where else in the world among
foreigners. And why need I say any more, for it was
Floras who forced us to take up arms against the Romans,
as we thought it better to be destroyed at once than by
little and little. For this war began in the second year of
the government of Floras, and in the twelfth year of the
reign of Nero. And what actions we were forced to do,
or what miseries we had to suffer, may be accurately
known by such as will peruse those books which I have
written about the Jewish war.

§ 2. I shall now, therefore, make an end here of my
Antiquities, after which I began to write my account of
the war. Now these Antiquities contain what has been
delivered down to us from the original creation of man
to the twelfth year of the reign of Nero, as to what has
befallen us Jews, as well in Egypt as in Syria and in
Palestine, and what we have suffered from the Assyrians
and Babylonians, and what afflictions the Persians and
Macedonians brought upon us, and after them the
Romans. And I think I may say that I have composed this
history with all accuracy. I have attempted to enumerate

CHAP. XI.]

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

413

tlie high priests that we have had during the interval of
two thousand years. I have also accurately recorded the
succession of our kings, and related their actions and
polity, as also the power of our monarchs, and all accord¬
ing to what is written in our sacred hooks; for this is
what I promised to do in the beginning of this history.
And I make bold to say, now I have completed the work I
proposed to myself to do, that no other person, whether
Jew or foreigner, had he ever so great an inclination to it,
could have given so accurate an account to the Greeks as
I have done. For those of my own nation freely acknow¬
ledge, that I far exceed them in the learning belonging to
Jews; I have also taken a great deal of pains to obtain
the learning of the G-reeks, and understand the elements
of the Greek language, although I have so long accus¬
tomed myself to speak our own tongue, that I cannot pro¬
nounce Greek with sufficient exactness. For our nation
does not encourage those that learn the languages of many
nations, and so adorn their discourses with the smooth¬
ness of their periods, because they look upon this sort of
accomplishment as common not only to all sorts of free
men, but to as many servants as please to learn them, and
they give those only the testimony of being wise men who
are fully acquainted with our laws, and able to interpret
the meaning of the holy writings. And so, though there
have been many who have done their endeavours with
great patience to obtain this learning, there have been
hardly as many as two or three that have succeeded therein,
and immediately got the fruit of their labours.

§ 3. And now perhaps it will not be invidious or unapt,
if I treat briefly of my own family, and of the actions of
my own life, 1 while there are still living such as can either
prove what I say to be false, or attest that it is true. So
I shall here put an end to these Antiquities, which are
contained in twenty books and sixty thousand lines. And
if God permit me, I shall briefly run over the war again,
and what befell us to this very day, which is the thirteenth
year of the reign of the Emperor Domitian, and the fifty-
sixth year of my own life. I intend also to write four

1 The Life here referred to, will be found at the beginning of
Volume I.

414

THE WOEKS OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [BOOK XX.

books concerning our Jewish opinions about G-od and his
being and concerning our laws, and why, according to
them, some things are permitted us to do, and others are
prohibited.

INDEX

Aaron, brother of Moses, i. 170,
177, 191, 193, 212, 214, 215,
231, 232, 243, 244, 245, 248,
249, 346.

Abel, i. 75.

Abiathar, David’s high priest, i.
395, 397, 413; ii. 21,37, 41, 48,

54, 64, 66, 67, 73, 74.

Abigail, first Nabal’s wife, then

David’s, i. 402, 403, 404 ; 'ii. 5.
Abila, i. 264, 289.

Abimelech, King of Gerar, i. 100,

101 , 110 , 111 .

Abimelech, son of Gideon, i. 326-
329.

Abishai, David’s nephew, i. 405 ;
ii. 3, 4, 9, 20, 23, 24, 38, 43, 49,

55, 58.

Abner, Saul’s first cousin, i. 358,
371, 405 ; ii. 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8,
9, 70.

Abraham, i. 90, 91, 92, 93. 95,96,
97, 98, 99, 100, 101, 102, 103,
104, 105, 106, 109, 110; ii. 61.
Absalom, son of David, ii, 5, 30,
32, 33-45.

Acme, iii. 227, 228, 235.

Actium, famous sea-fight off, iii.

95, 98, 103, 107, 168.

Adam, i. 72, 73, 74, 75, 77, 79.
Adonibezek, i. 307, 308.
Adonijah, son of David, ii. 5, 63,
64, 65, 66, 72, 73.

Adriatic sea, i. 3.
ylibutius, i. 19, 20.

Agag, i. 373, 376.

Agrippa, the Great, iii. 288, 289,
290, 291, 292, 293, 294, 295,
296, 297, 298, 299, 300, 301,
302, 304, 305, 310, 311, 312,
356, 359, 363, 364, 365, 366,
367, 368, 369, 370, 371, 372,
373, 374.

Agrippa Junior, son of the former,

i. 7,8, 18, 19, 25, 28,50,52,53,
54; iii. 375, 376, 378, 391, 396,
397, 399, 402,403,404,405, 406,
408.

Agrippa, son of Josephus, i. 62.
Agrippina, mother of Nero, and
wife of Claudius, iii. 396, 398,
399.

Ahab, King of Israel, son ofOmri,

ii. 131, 133, 134, 136, 138-150.
Ahaziah, son of Ahab, ii. 150, 153,

154, 155.

Ahijah, the prophet, ii. 109.
Ahitophel, ii. 36-42.

Ai, i. 293, 295.

Alcimus, high priest, ii. 357-361.
Alexander the Great, i. 182 ; ii.
294, 295, 296, 297, 298, 299,
300.

Alexander, son of Herod the Great,

iii. 132, 147, 156-166, 175, 176,
177, 180-185, 191-195, 199-205,
208, 209.

Alexandria, i. 60, 69 ; ii. 302,318,
325, 327, 329, 335, 375, 376;

iii. 61, 305, 364, 365, 366,
384.

Alexandrium, fortress of, ii. 433 ;

iii. 15, 16, 67, 148, 193, 204.
Aliturus, a favourite actor of Nero,
i. 4.

Amalekites, the, i. 189, 190, 191,
192, 284, 322, 371, 372, 373,
374, 375, 376, 407, 413, 414,
415 ; ii. 183, 184.

Amasa, Absalom’s general, ii. 43,
48, 52, 53, 70.

Ambition, evil of, ii. 7.

Amnon, son of David, ii. 5, 30, 31,
32, 33.

Amram, father of Moses, i. 158,
159, 161.

416

INDEX.

Ananias, a Pharisee, and opponent
of Josephus, i. 30, 43, 47, 49.

Antigonus, son of Aristobulus, iii.
14, 24, 48, 54, 55, 59, 62,63, 64,
65, 66, 67, 69, 70, 71, 73, 76, 77,
79.

Antioch, ii. 318, 356, 369, 377,
380, 381, 382 ; iii. 112, 255.

Antiochus, Epiphanes, ii. 247,
334, 335, 336, 337, 338, 343,
352, 353, 404.

Antipater, father of Herod the
Great, iii. 2, 3, 21, 22, 23, 24,
27, 28, 31, 44, 45, 46, 62, 78,
106. First called Antipas, iii.
2 .

Antipater, son of Herod the Great,
iii. 49, 158, 159, 175, 182, 183,
191, 192, 206, 207, 208, 209,
211, 212, 214-228, 235, 236.

Antonia, fortress of, i. 4 ; ii. 414 ;
iii. 123, 142, 143, 145, 279,
378.

Antony, Mark, iii. 15, 45, 49, 50,
51, 52, 53, 61,62,63, 66,67,70,
71, 75, 77, 79, 82,83,88, 89, 90,
92, 93, 94, 95, 97, 103, 104,107,
111, 117.

Anubis, Egyptian god, iii. 276,
277.

Apamea, ii. 400; iii. 7, 44, 93.

Arbela, i. 29, 46 ; ii. 362 ; iii. 67.

Archelaus, son and successor of
Herod the Great, iii. 209, 236,
238, 239, 240, 241, 242, 243,
244, 245, 246, 247, 258, 261,
262, 263.

Aristobulus, son of John Hyrcanus,
ii. 413-416. Called Philhellen,

ii. 416.

Aristobulus,sonof Alexander Jan-
naeus, ii. 431-435; iii. 2-10, 14,
16, 17, 21.

Aristobulus, brother of Mariamne,

iii. 62, 82, 83, 84, 85, 86, 87,

88 .

Aristobulus, son of Herod the
Great, iii. 132, 147, 156-166,

175, 176,183, 192, 194, 199-205,
208, 209.

Arithmetic, i. 93.

Ark, Noah’s, i. 78, 79, 80, 81 ; iii.
381.

Armenia, i. 80, 81 ; ii. 433, 434 ;
iii. 5, 94.

Artabanus, King of the Parthians,
iii. 384, 385, 386.

Artaxerxes, son of Xerxes, ii. 276-
292.

Asahel, brother of Joab, ii. 3, 4.
Ascalon, i. 301,308, 316,347,382;

ii. 327, 379, 386 ; iii. 22.
Ashdud (or Azotus), i. 301, 308,
346, 347 ; ii. 345, 352, 378, 379,
380.

Asochis, i. 32, 35, 56 ; ii. 419.
Asphaltitis, the Lake, i. 94, 249 ;

ii. 161, 186 ; iii. 104, 233.
Astronomy, i. 93.

Athenians, honours paid by to the
Jews, iii. 25, 26.

Augustus, the Roman Emperor,

iii. 45, 49, 62, 63. 66, 95, 97,
103, 106, 107, 108, 109, 111,
112, 126, 127, 132, 134, 135,
147, 160-165, 167, 170, 171,
189, 190, 194-199, 235, 243,
246, 247, 254, 255, 257-262,
269, 270, 335, 336, 337.

Azotus, see Ashdod.

Baal, the god of the Tyrians, ii.
174, 175.

Babylon, i. 84, 85, 92; ii. 99, 207,
209, 215, 218, 225, 226, 227,
231, 238, 240, 248, 249, 273,
353, 392.

Balaam, i. 252, 253,254, 255, 256,
260, 261.

Balak, i. 252, 253, 254, 255, 256.
Balsam, the, iii. 10, 93.

Baltasar, ii. 240-243.

Banus, an eremite, i. 2, 3.

Barak, i. 320, 321, 322.

Barzillai, ii. 42, 50, 51.

Batanaea, i. 10, 28; iii. 132, 210,
258.

Bathsheba, first Uriah’s wife, then
David’s, ii. 25,26, 27 28, 29,30,
64, 65, 72, 73.

Beersheba, i. 101, 152, 353; ii.
136, 178.

INDEX.

Benaiah, ii. 21, 58.

Berenice, sister of Agrippa Junior,
i. 9, 19, 50, 52 ; iii. 376, 397.

Berosus, i. 81,83, 91; ii. 205,238,
239.

Berytus, i. 9, 28, 52 ; iii. 197, 199,
200, 201, 253, 372, 406.

Besara, i. 19.

Bethel, i. 114, 124, 301, 309,313,
353, 358, 365; ii. 112, 113,
366.

Bethlehem, i. 310, 322, 339,376,
378 ; ii. 4,57,117.

Bethmaus, i. 11, 12.

Boaz, i, 340, 341, 342.

Brutus, murderer of famous J ulius
Caesar, iii. 44, 350.

Caesar, the famous Julius, iii. 21,
22, 23, 24, 27,31, 32, 33, 34, 35,
36, 44, 350. All the Boman
Emperors called Caesar, ii. 99,
100 .

Caesarea by the sea. See Strata’s
Tower.

Caesarea Philippi, i. 9, 10, 11, 13 ;
iii. 269, 406.

Caesonia, wife of Caius, cruelly
murdered, iii. 351, 352.

Cain, i. 75, 76, 77.

Caius, Boman Emperor, iii. 291,
294, 295, 297, 298, 299, 300,
301, 302,304, 305-313, 325-354,
358.

Caleb, i. 231, 308.

Oambyses, son of Cyrus, ii. 251-
253.

Cana, in Galilee, i. 15, 58 ; ii.
428.

Canaan, land of, i. 88, 91, 92, 93,
96, 97, 105, 113, 116, 121, 141,
143, 144,152,155,*156,159, and
passim.

Capellus (Julius), of Tiberias, i. 6,

II, 12,44.

Carmel, Mount, i. 301; ii. 78, 134,
136 ; iii. 54.

Carus, Herod’s catamite, iii. 213.

Cassius, one of Julius Caesar’s
murderers, iii. 21,44,45, 46, 47,
48, 49, 350.

III.

417

Cestius Gallus, i. 6, 33,51, 55,57,
58.

Chabolo, i. 34, 36.

Chserea, chief assassin of Caius, iii.
327-341,350,351,352, 360,361,
362,363.

Chaldsea, i. 90, 91; ii. 209.

Chaldaeans, first astronomers, i.
93. Famous for learning, ii.
232, 234, 235, 241.

Children not always like parents,
i. 353.

Christ, Jesus, iii. 274, 275, 405.

Cilicia, i. 87 ; ii. 187, 377, 381,
386 ; iii. 52, 195.

Circumcision, i. 97, 98, 102 ; ii.
119, 120, 406 ; iii. 382, 383.

Claudius, Boman Emperor, i.234 ;
iii. 339, 347, 348, 354-366, 370,
371, 373, 375, 376, 377, 378,
379, 382, 391, 396, 398.

Cleopatra, the famous favourite of
Antony, iii. 52, 61, 82, 83, 85,
88, 89, 90, 91, 92, 93, 94, 95,
96, 107, 111, 117.

Coele-Syria, i. 89, 100; ii. 231,
238, 252, 253, 258, 274, 294,
319, 320, 326, 377, 386, 397,
421, 428; iii. 6, 8, 13, 14, 31,
45, 90.

Corah, rebellion of, i. 236-244.

Crassus, iii. 19, 21.

Creation, the, i. 71, 72.

Crete, i. 62.

Cumanus, governor of Judaea, iii.
391, 392, 393, 394, 395, 396.

Curses pronounced from Mount
Ebal, i. 284, 289.

Cyprus, i. 87; ii. 417, 418, 422;
iii. 260.

Cyrene, i. 62.

Cyrenius, iii. 264, 268, 269.

Cyru3, king of Persia, ii. 240,
243,248, 249, 250,251,263,264.

Dagon, god of Ashdod, i. 346,
347 ; ii. 379.

Dabaritta, i. 20, 47.

Damascus, i. 6, 89, 92, 95 ; ii. 19,
144, 167, 193, 195, 296, 392;
iii. 6, 7, 8, 30, 93.

E E

418

INDEX.

Dan, place so called, i. 95; ii.
112, 113, 129.

Daniel, the Prophet, ii. 232, 233,
234, 235, 236, 237, 241, 242,
243, 244, 245, 246, 247, 248,
299, 347.

Darius, king of Media, son of
Hystaspes, ii. 240, 243, 244,
245, 253, 254, 257, 258, 263,
264, 265, 266, 294, 295, 296.

David, i. 342, 377, 378, 380, 381,
382, 383, 384, 385, 386, 387,
388, 389, 390, 391, 392, 393,
394,397,398, 399, 400-408, 412,
413,414 ; ii. 1-17,19-71. David’s
tomb, ii. 71, 72, 404; iii. 173,
174.

Deborah, the Prophetess, i. 320,
321,322.

Decapolis, i. 50, 60.

Deluge, the, i. 80-82.

Demons, exorcizing of, ii. 79, 80.

Dicsearchia, i. 4 ; iii. 259, 290,
304, 326.

Dinah, only daughter of Jacob, i.
118, 123, 153.

Doeg, the Syrian, i. 392, 394, 395,
397.

Domitia, wife of the Emperor
Domitian, i. 63.

Domitian, Roman emperor, i. 62 ;
iii. 413.

Dora, i. 6, 301 ; ii. 78, 400, 417;
iii. 130.

Ebal, Monnt, i. 284, 299.

Ecbatana, i. 10; ii. 245.

Eden, garden of, i. 72, 73.

Egypt, i. 79, 92, 93, 96,97, 110,
140, 141, 143, 144, 145, 152,
155, 166, 173, 174, 176, and
passim.

Egyptians, famous for wisdom, ii.
79.

Ekron, i. 308, 316, 347, 352; ii.
154,379.

Eleazar, High Priest temp.
Ptolemy II., i. 68; ii. 307,
308, 309, 313,317.

Eli, the High-Priest, i. 339, 342,
343, 344, 345, 346, 367, 395.

Elijah, the Prophet, ii. 131, 132,
133, 134, 135, 136, 137, 138,
148, 154, 156.

Elisha, the Prophet, ii. 137, 165,
157, 159, 160, 161, 162, 163,
164, 165, 166, 167, 169, 170,
181, 182.

ElkaDah, father of Samuel, i. 343.

Emmaus, ii. 344, 345, 366; iii.
70, 262, 253, 270.

Enoch, translated as Elijah, ii.
155.

Epaphroditus, i. 63, 68.

Ephratah, i. 124.

Epicureans, wrong, ii. 247, 248.

Esau, son of Isaac, i. 110, 111,
112, 113, 116, 121, 122, 123,
126.

Esdras (Ezra), ii. 266, 267, 268,
269, 270, 271, 272.

Essenes, the, ii. 390,391; iii. 137,
138, 267, 268.

Esther, ii. 279, 280, 282, 283,
284, 285, 286, 287, 288, 290,
291, 292.

Eunuchs, i. 62, 282 ; ii. 207, 232 ;
iii. 180, 213.

Euphrates, the famous river, i. 73,
252, 256, 317; ii. 18, 19, 78,
99, 106, 122, 214, 268, 296 ;
iii. 105, 281.

Eve, i. 72, 73, 74, 75.

Exorcizing demons, ii. 79, 80.

Ezekiel, the Prophet, ii. 215, 218,
219, 225.

Fadus, Cuspius, Governor of Ju¬
daea, iii. 376, 377, 378, 379,
390, 391.

Famines in Judaea, i. 234 ; ii. 221;
iii. 125, 384.

Fate, not to be avoided, ii. 150.

Felix, governor of Judaea, i. 3, 7 ;
iii. 396, 397, 400, 401, 402,
403.

Festivals of the Jews, i. 219-222.

Festus, Porcius, governor of Ju¬
daea, iii. 402, 403, 404.

Flood, the, i. 80-82.

Florus, Gessius, i. 5, 6,9 ; iii. 268,
376, 411, 412.

INDEX.

419

Friends generally envious, i. 358,
359.

Gaba, i. 19.

Gabara, i. 8, 20, 81, 36, 40, 46.
Gabarotk, i. 35, 37.

Gabatho, ii. 125, 129.

Gadara, i. 8, 14, 51 ; ii. 345, 421,
424 ; iii. 134.

Galilee, i. 6, 7, 11, 12, 13, 15, 19,
20, 21, 29, 30, 32, 33, 35, 36,
37, 40, 41, 43,46,47,50,51,52,
57, 58, 60, 298; ii. 78, 96, 191,
349, 387, 388, 394, 419, and
passim.

Gamala, i. 8, 9, 10, 11, 19, 27,

28, 58 ; ii. 428.

Gath, i. 347, 352, 379, 382, 392,
393, 406, 407, 408, 412, 413 ;
ii. 43, 56, 180, 188, 198.
Gaulanitis, i. 29; ii. 78.

Gaza, i. 301, 337, 347; ii. 198,

296, 297, 387, 417, 418, 421,
422; iii. 112.

Gennesar, lake of,ii. 388 ; iii. 269.
Gerar, i. iOO, 110, 111; ii. 127.
Gerizim, Mount, i. 284, 299, 326 ;
ii. 295, 299, 300, 302, 338, 375,
376, 406 ; iii. 18, 278.

Gessius. See Floras.

Gibeah, i. 310, 312,313, 314, 360,
365, 367, 376.

Gibeonites, trick of the, i. 295,296,

297.

Gideon, i. 322, 323, 325, 326.
Gilead, i. 121, 131, 329, 330, 331 ;
ii. 78, 131, 191, 349, 360, 351,
397, 424, 426.

Gilgal, i. 293, 295, 298, 299, 358,
363, 366, 367, 372, 374, 376;
ii. 51.

Gischala, i. 8, 12, 13, 16, 17, 20,

29, 36, 41, 46, 47.

Goliath, the giant, i. 379, 380, 381,
382, 392.

Gymnasium, set up at Jerusalem,
ii. 335.

Hagar, mother of Ishmael, i. 97,

102 .

Haggai, the Prophet, ii. 263, 264.

Haman, ii. 280-289.

Hannah, mother of Samuel, i. 343.

Haran, i. 90, 107, 114.

Heber, Jews called Hebrews from,
i. 89.

Hebron, i. 93, 96, 106, 110, 124,
125, 126, 156, 231, 302, 308,
337 ; ii. 2, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10,
11, 12, 36, 71, 76, 352.

Hecatontamachi, ii. 419.

Helena, Queen of Adiabene, iii.
379, 380, 381, 382, 383, 384,
390, 391. Her tomb at Jeru¬
salem, 390.

Heliopolis, i. 140, 154; ii. 357,
374, 375 ; iii. 8.

Herod the Great, son of Antipater,
iii. 14, 21, 27, 29, 30, 31, 45, 46,
47, 48, 49, 53-170, 173-209, 211-
238, 279, 285, 286.

Herodium, a fortress built by
Herod the Great, iii. 58, 128,
129.

Herodotus, the famous historian,
of Helicarnassus, ii. 100, 118,
119, 204, 205.

Hezekiah, King of Judah, ii. 196,
197, 198, 199, 201, 202, 203,
204, 205, 206, 207, 208.

High priests, vestments of the, i.
206, 207, 208, 209, 210, 211,
215, 216; iii. 142, 143, 279,
280,378. Enumeration of high
priests, iii. 408, 409, 410, 411.

Hippos, i. 8, 24, 51.

Hiram, king of Tyre, ii. 12, 80,
81, 82, 96, 98.

Hyrcania, fortress of, ii. 433 ; iii.
16, 136, 148, 236.

Hyrcanus, son of Josephus, i. 62.

Hyrcanus (John), son of Simon,
brother of Judas Maccabseus, ii.
401, 402, 403, 404, 405, 406,
407, 408, 409, 410, 411, 412.

Hyrcanus, son of Alexander Jan-
naeus, ii. 431, 435; iii. 1, 2, 3,
4, 6, 7, 8, 9, 13, 14, 16, 24-43,
49, 60, 51, 53, 54, 55, 56, 59,
80, 81, 103, 104, 105, 106.

Hystaspes, father of Darius, ii.
253.

420

INDEX,

Idumma (Edom), i. 126, 127, 247;
ii. 20, 346, 354 ; iii. 2, 57, 58,
66, 377. Idumaeans regarded a9
Jews, after adopting circum¬
cision and other Jewish rites,
ii. 406.

Isaac, son of Abraham, i. 97, 101,
102, 103, 104, 105, 107, 109,
110, 111, 112, 113, 115, 125,
159; ii. 61.

Isaiah, the Prophet, ii. 206, 207,
249.

Ishbosheth, son of Saul, ii. 3, 4,
5, 6, 9, 10.

Ishmael, Abraham’s son by Hagar,
i. 97, 98, 102, 110, 131, 159.

Isis, temple of at Borne, iii. 275,
276, 277.

Israel, name of given to Jacob, i.

122 .

Izaces, son of Monobazus, iii. 379,
380, 381, 382, 383, 384, 385,
386, 387, 388, 389, 390.

Jabesb, i. 315, 361, 362, 416.

Jabin, i. 320, 321.

Jacob, son of Isaac, i, 110,112,113,
114,115,116,117,118,119,120,
121, 122, 123, 124, 125, 127,
128, 131, 132, 141, 142, 143,
144, 145, 145, 152, 153, 154,
155, 156, 159.

Jadon, ii. 113, 114, 213.

Jael, i. 321.

James, brother of Jesus Christ,
stoned to death, iii. 405.

Jamnia, i. 29, 302 ; ii. 188, 345,
351, 377, 398.

Japha, i. 29, 35, 41.

Jephthah, rash vow of, i. 330,
331.

Jehu, king of Israel, ii. 169, 170,
171, 172, 173, 174, 175.

Jeremiah, the prophet, ii. 215,
216, 217, 219, 220, 221, 222,
223, 225, 227, 228, 231, 248.

Jericho, i. 252, 288, 289,290,291,
292, 293, 295, 300, 301, 318,
319; ii. 194, 224, 366; iii. 10,
66, 72, 73, 86, 93, 193, 233,
239, 261.

Jeroboam, son of Nebat, ii. 108,
109, 110, 112, 113, 114, 115,
116, 121, 122, 123, 124, 125,
199.

Jerusalem, i. 2, 6, 11, 13, 21,29,
31, 40, 47, 49, 51, 52, 53, 60,
61, 96, 295, 300, 301, 308,309 ;
ii. 11, 12, 13, 15, 18, 19, 22,
24, 34, 35, 36,-37, 38, 39, 41,
50, 59, 60, 71, 74, 75, 79, 89,
97, 98, 105, 113, and passim.

J Jesse, the father of David, i. 342,
376, 377, 378, 380.

Jesus Christ, iii. 274, 275, 405.
Jesus, the son of Sapphias, i. 12,

22, 42, 44, 45.

Jesus, the captain of some robbers
near Ptolemais, i. 17, 18.

Jews, when name of first given,

ii. 274. Various sects of, i. 2,
3; ii. 390, 391; iii. 266, 267,
268. Various decrees in favour
of, iii. 32-43. Banished from
Rome by the Emperor Tiberius,

iii. 277, 278.

Jezebel, wife of Ahab, ii. 131,
133, 134, 136, 138, 172.

Joab, nephew and commander-in-
chief of David, ii. 3, 4, 6, 7, 12,

23, 24, 25, 26, 27, 30, 34, 35,
43, 44, 45, 46, 47, 52, 53, 54,
58, 59, 64, 65, 66, 70, 73,
74.

Jochebed, mother of Moses, i. 159,
160, 161.

John, of Gischala, a constant
opponent of Josephus, i. 8, 12,
13, 14, 15, 16, 20, 29, 33, 35,
36,37, 41,44,45, 46, 47, 54,55.
John the Baptist, iii. 284.

Jonah, the prophet, ii. 186, 187.
Jonathan, son of Saul, i. 365, 367,

368, 369, 370, 371, 385, 386,

388, 389, 390, 391, 394, 398,
415.

Jonathan, brother of Judas Mac-
cabaeus, ii. 365, 366, 367, 368,

369, 370, 371, 377, 379, 382,
383, 384, 385, 386, 387, 388,

389, 391, 392, 393, 394, 395,
396, 397.

INDEX.

Jonathan, a Pharisee, an opponent
of Josephus, i. 30, 31, 33, 34,
35, 36, 37, 38, 39, 40, 41, 42,
43, 44, 45, 46, 47, 48, 49.
Joppa, ii. 187, 378, 380, 392, 395,
398, 428; iii. 64, 112, 130.
Jordan, the river, i. 7, 58, 59, 93,
95, 251, 252, 264, 288, 289,290,
300, 301, 302, 304, 305, 319,
331, 360, 361, 362, 366; ii. 3,
5, 39, 41, 42, 43, 50, 78, 349,

351, 366, 419, 421 ; iii. 101,
136, 233.

Joseph, son of Jacob, i. 127, 128-
156, 177.

Joseph, brother of Herod the
Great, iii. 21, 58, 63, 70, 71.
Josephus, i. 1-63 passim. Also
iii. 174. Father of Josephus, i.
1,2,31.

Joshua, son of Nun, i. 191, 231,
262, 263, 285, 287, 288, 290,
291, 293, 294, 295, 296, 297,
298, 299, 300, 302, 304, 306,
307, 308.

Josiah, king of Judah, ii. 113,
210, 211, 212, 213,214, 215.
Jotapata, i. 29, 49, 51, 52, 60.

J udaea, i. 92, and passim.

Judas Maccabaeus, son of Matta-
thias, ii. 342, 343, 344, 345,
346, 347, 348, 349, 350, 351,

352, 355, 356, 358, 359, 360,
361, 362, 363, 364.

Julias, i. 58, 59.

Justus, son of Josephus, i. 62.
Justus, son of Pistus, i. 7, 8, 11,
15, 27, 28, 42, 49, 50, 51, 52,
53, 54, 57, 60.

Keturah, wife of Abraham, i. 106,

107, 109, 159, 166.

Laban, brother of Rebecca, i., 90,

108, 109, 113, 115, 116, 117,
118, 119, 120, 121, 124.

Lacedaemonians, claim to be of the
same stock as the Jews, ii. 332,
333. Embassy to them, sent by
Jonathan, brother of Judas
Maccabseus, ii. 389, 390.

421

Lamech, and his wives and chil¬
dren, i. 76, 77.

Law, promulgation of the, oil
Mount Sinai, i. 195, 196, 197,
198, 199. Various Mosaic laws,

i. 225, 226, 227, 267-283.

Leah, wife of Jacob, i. 117, 118,

153.

Levites, the cities of the, i. 263,
302, 308. The Levites exempted
from military functions, i. 227.
Libanus, Mount (Lebanon), i. 10,
87, 88, 230, 298, 301, 316; ii.
78, 80, 82, 97, 100, 185, 257,
435 ; iii. 22, 72, 364.

Lot, Abraham's nephew, i. 90, 91,
93,94,95,99,100. His wife and
daughters, i. 99, 100.

Machaerus, fortress of, ii. 433 ; iii.

15, 16, 17, 283, 284.

Mahanaim, ii. 42, 43, 50.

Manetho, i. 83.

Manna, i. 187, 188.

Manoah, father of Samson, i. 332,
333, 334.

Mariamne, wife of Herod the
Great, iii. 57, 74,82, 83, 88, 89,
90, 91, 106, 109, 110, 111, 112,
113, 114, 115.

Mattathias, father of J udas Mac-
cabaeus, ii. 339, 340, 341, 342.
Melchisedek, i. 95, 96.

Memphis, i. 163 ; ii. 99, 100, 325,
335; iii. 23.

MenanderJthe Ephesian, on Tyrian
matters, ii. 97, 132, 199, 200.
Mephibosheth, son of Jonathan, ii.

21, 22, 38, 49, 50, 55.
Mesopotamia, i. 90, 91, 97, 107,
113, 114, 124, 152, 153, 159;

ii. 23, 24, 392.

Michal, Saul’s daughter, and wife
of David, i. 371, 383, 384, 385,
387, 404 ; ii. 5, 16.

MidiaD, i. 166.

Miriam, sister of Moses, i. 160,161,
191, 200, 247.

Mizpeh, i. 351, 359 ; ii. 129, 228,
229, 230.

Modius (.Equus), i. 11, 19, 28.

422

INDEX.

Monobazus, king of Adiabene, iii.

379, 380, 381.

Monobazus, son of the former, iii.

380, 381, 382, 387, 390.
Mordecai, ii. 279, 280, 282-292.
Moriab, Mount, i, 103.

Moses, i. 69, 70, 79,107, 158, 159,
160, 161, 162, 163, 164, 166,
166, 167, 168,169,170,171,172,
173, 174, 175, 176-288; ii. 58.
Mundus, iii. 275-277.

Naamah, mother of Rehoboam, ii.

110 .

Nabal, first husband of Abigail, i.
402, 403, 404.

Naomi, mother-in-law of Ruth, i.

339, 340, 341, 342.

Nathan, the prophet, ii. 16, 17,27,
28, 29, 30, 64, 66.
Nebuchadnezzar, king of Babylon,

ii. 216, 217, 218, 219, 220, 221,
222, 223, 224, 225, 226, 231,
232, 234, 235, 236, 237, 238,
239, 240.

Nehemiah, ii. 272, 273, 274, 275,
276.

Neopolitanus, i. 20.

Nero, Roman emperor, i. 4, 7,60;

iii. 398, 399, 402, 403, 404, 406,
411, 412.

Nicolaus of Damascus, i. 81, 92;
ii. 19, 405, 420; iii. 2, 12, 18,
174, 196, 197, 198, 201, 221,
222, 223, 224, 225, 226, 242,
243, 245, 246, 267.

Nile, famous river, i. 165, 172,
173.

Nimrod, i. 84, 88.

Nineveh, i. 89 ; ii. 187, 192, 205.
Nisan, name of month, L 79, 175,
214; ii. 265.

Noah, i. 78, 79, 80, 81, 82, 83, 84,
89.

Nob; city of, i. 392, 394, 395.

Nod, land of, i. 76.

Notes, critical, i. 76, 79, 104, 111,
127, 128, 144, 164, 173 ; ii. 89,
250, 279,284, 304, 422 ; iii. 147,
243, 321, 338.

Obadiab, protector of the prophets
in Ahab's reign, ii. 133, 134.

Og, king of Bashan, i. 261,

Olives, Mount of, ii. 37,

Omri, king of Israel, father of
Ahab, ii. 129, 130.

Ophir, ii. 101, 103.

Orpah, daughter-in-law of Naomi,
i. 339, 340.

Palestine, i. 88, 89, 100, 177 ; ii.
392.

Parentalia, festival of the (our All
Soul V Day), iii. 363.

Paulina, trick put on, iii. 275-277.

Pelusium, i. 373; ii. 204, 216,
335 ; iii. 18, 22, 61.

Pereea, i. 329 ; ii, 383; iii. 236,
377, 399.

Petra, i. 248, 261 ; iii. 3, 14, 58,
284.

Petronius, governor of Judaea
under Caius and Claudius, iii.
306, 307, 308, 309, 310, 311,
312, 313, 367, 368, 369.

Pharaoh, passim. Meaning of
word, ii. 99.

Pharisees, the, i. 30; iii. 212, 266,
267.

Phasaelus, son of Antipater, and
brother of Herod the Great, iii.
21, 27, 28, 31, 45, 46, 47, 54,
55, 56, 59, 248.

Pheroras, son of Antipater, and
brother of Herod the Great, iii.
21, 67, 71, 74, 106, 107, 137,
156, 157, 175, 176, 177, 178,
179, 180, 184, 185, 186, 194,
208, 209, 211, 212, 213, 214,
215.

Philip, son of Jacimus, i. 8, 9, 10,
11, 28.

Philistines, the, i. 298, 329, 333,
334, 335, 336, 337, 338, 344,,
345, 346, 347, 349, 350, 351,
352, 354, 357, 365, 366, 367,
368, 369, 370, 371, 377, 379,
380, 382, 383, 384, 386, 392,
397, 399; ii. 13, 14, 18, 55, 56.

Pilate, Pontius, iii. 270, 273, 274,
278, 279.

INDEX.

423

Pistus, father of Justus, i. 7, 15,
27.

Placidus, i. 33, 34, 60.

Polybius, the famous historian, ii.
320, 353.

Pompey, the famous, iii. 5, 6, 7,
8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 21, 22.

Poppaea, wife of Nero, i. 4; iii.
412.

Potiphar, and his wife, i. 132, 133,
134, 135, 138.

Priests. See High-priests. See
also i. 1, 225, 226; ii. 67.

Ptolemais, i. 17, 19, 33,50,60; ii.
369, 376, 377, 380, 382, 393,
394, 396, 417, 418, 420, 421,
434; iii. 54, 64, 72, 108, 253,
284, 289, 306.

Ptolemy, Herod’s procurator, i. 20,

21 .

Ptolemy, Philadelphus, i. 68, 69 ;
ii. 303, 304, 305, 306, 307, 308,
309, 310, 311, 312, 313, 314,
315,316,317.

Purifications in the wilderness, i.
222, 223, 224.

Puteoli, i. 329; ii. 383; iii. 236,
377, 399.

Rabbah, i. 251; ii. 23, 30.

Rachel, wife of Jacob, i. 115, 116,
117, 118, 119, 120, 121, 124,
153, 358.

Rahab, i. 289, 290, 292, 293.

Rain-bow, institution of the, i. 82.

Ramah, the birthplace and dwel¬
ling of Samuel, i. 343, 354, 356,
360, 376, 387, 388, 401; ii. 128,
129.

Rebecca, wife of Isaac, i. 90, 107,
108, 110, 112, 115, 125.

Refuge, cities of, i. 302.

Rehoboam, son of Solomon and
Naamah, ii. 19, 35, 110, 111,
112, 117, 118, 119, 120, 199.

Riblah, ii. 224, 226.

Romans, the, and Judas Macca-
bmus, ii. 361, 362. Romans and
John Hyrcanus, ii. 406, 407.
Other Roman leagues with the
Jews, iii. 25, 32, 33, 34, 35, 36,

37, 38, 49, 50, 51. Edicts of
the Romans in the reign of Au¬
gustus re the Jews, iii. 170, 171,
172 173.

Ruth, i. 339, 340, 341, 342.

Sabbaths, fighting on, i. 25 ; ii.
301, 340, 366; iii. 11.

Sacrifices in the wilderness, i. 217,
218, 219.

Sadducees, the, ii. 391, 411, 412 ;
iii. 267, 405.

Salem, old name for Jerusalem, i.
95, 96.

Salome, sister of Herod the Great,
iii. 21, 90, 113, 114, 117, 118,
147, 156, 157, 175,176, 177, 178,
179, 184, 187, 194, 207, 208,
211, 212, 229, 234, 237, 242,
258, 269.

Samaria, i, 40; ii. 19, 130, 131,
139, 149, 153, 159, 162, 164,
165, 172, 173, 174, 175, 178,
181, 182, 186, 187, 190, 191,
194, 199, 200, 409, 410, and
elsewhere.

Samaritans, origin of the, ii. 200,
201, 232, 251. Their hostility
to the Jews, ii. 261, 262, 263,
264, 265, 266, 299, 300, 393,
394, 395, 396. They build a
temple on Mount Gerizim, ii.
295, 297, 300, 375, 376.

Samson, i. 334, 335, 336,337,336,
339.

Samuel, son of Elkanah and
Hannah, i. 342, 343, 344, 350,
351, 352, 353, 354, 355, 357,
358, 359, 360, 363, 364, 365,
366, 367, 387, 388, 401, 409.

Sanhedrim, the, i. 11; iii. 29.

Sarah, wife of Abraham, i. 90, 91,
92, 93, 97, 98, 100, 101, 102,
105, 106.

Saul, the son of Kish, i. 356, 357,
358, 359, 360, 361, 362, 363,
365, 366, 367, 368, 369, 370,
371, 372, 373, 374, 375, 376,
378, 379, 380, 381, 382, 383,
384, 385, 386, 387, 388, 389,
390, 391, 392, 393, 394, 395,

424

INDEX.

397, 398, 399, 400, 401, 404,
405, 406, 407, 408, 409, 410,
411, 412, 415, 416, 417.

Scythopolis, i. 5, 8, 20, 51, 301,
416 ; ii. 327, 351, 393, 421.

Sebaste, ii. 409 ; iii. 116, 123, 124,
132, 148, 165, 166, 204.

Sects, the, of the Jews, i. 2, 3 ; ii.
390, 391 ; iii. 266, 267, 268.

Sennacherib, ii. 201-205.

Sepphoris, i. 6,7,11, 14,17, 18,20,
29, 31, 35, 51, 65, 56, 57, 58,
60; ii. 419; iii. 67, 250, 253,
269.

Septuagint, or Greek version of
the Old Testament, ii. 307, 308,
309,314, 315, 316, 317.

Seth, and his posterity, i. 77, 78.

Shechem, i. 123, 124, 129, 284,
299, 302, 326; ii. 110,112,299,
338, 406, 425.

Shiloh, i. 299, 312, 315, 343 ; ii.
121 .

Shinar, plain of, i. 83, 85.

Sicarii, the, iii. 405, 406.

Sidon, i. 88, 97, 302 ; ii. 78, 296.

Silas, iii. 297, 369, 370, 375.

Simon, brother of Judas Macca-
beeus, ii. 364, 365, 366, 367,
392, 394, 395, 396, 397, 398,
400, 401.

Simonias, i. 19.

Simonides, son of Josephus, i. 62.

Sinai, Mount, i. 167, 170, 171,
172, 177, 182, 183, 193, 195,
198, 199, 217, 227,228; ii. 89,
137.

Sisera, i. 321.

Sodom, i. 94, 95, 96, 98, 99, 100.

Sogane, i. 8, 40.

Solomon, son of David, and his
successor, ii. 13, 17, 20, 30, 62,
64, 65, 66, 67,68,69,70,71,72,
73, 74, 75,76,77,78, 79, 80,81,
82, 83, 84, 85, 86, 87, 88,89, 90,
91, 92, 93, 94,95, 96, 97,98, 99,
100, 101, 102, 103, 104, 105,
106, 106, 107, 108, 109.

Strabo, of Cappadocia, ii. 410,
420; iii. 7, 12, 18, 20, 21, 24,
79.

Strato’s Tower, ii. 414, 415, 417 ;

iii. 14, 112, 123, 130, 373, 401.
Susa, the metropolis of Persia, ii.
246, 272, 279, 282, 283, 291,

292.

Syllabus, iii. 179, 196, 197, 198.

Tabernacle, the, built by Moses in
the Wilderness, i. 200, 201,202,
203, 204, 205, 206.

Tabor, Mount, i. 29, 301, 321; ii.
78; iii. 18.

Tamar, daughter of David, ii. 13,

30, 31, 32, 33.

Tamar, daughter of Absalom, and
wife of Rehoboaro, ii. 35.
Tarichaeae, i. 16, 21, 23, 24, 25,
26, 27,29,41, 42,45,59,60; iii.
21,399.

Tarsus, i. 87; ii. 104, 187.
Temple, the, of Solomon, ii. 82-96 ;
burnt by orders of Nebuchad¬
nezzar, ii. 225, 226. Building of
the second Temple, ii. 260-265.
Third Temple of Herod, iii. 138-
145.

Terah.the father of Abraham, i. 90.
Thecoa (Tekoa), i. 61; ii. 117,
152.

Theudas, an impostor, iii. 390,
391.

Tiberias, i. 6, 7, 8, 11, 14, 15, 16,
18, 20,21, 22, 23, 25, 26, 27, 29,

31, 41, 42, 44, 45, 46, 47, 48,
49, 50, 51, 52, 54, 56, 57, 60;
iii. 270, 309, 372, 399.

Tiberius, Roman emperor, iii. 270,
272, 277, 279, 280, 281, 283,
284, 285, 288, 290, 291, 292,

293, 294, 295, 297, 298, 299,
300, 301, 302.

Titus, son of Vespasian, afterwards
Roman emperor, i. 53, 60, 61,
62 ; ii. 318, 319, 397.
Trachonitis, i. 10, 18, 89; ii. 435 ;
iii. 132, 133, 165, 186-189, 197,
209, 210.

Tyre, i. 8, 55, 59 ; ii. 80, 81, 82,
85, 96, 199, 200, 240, 296, 297,
408; iii. 11, 21, 47, 48, 51, 52,
104, 201.

INDEX.

425

Uriah, murder of, ii. 25, 26, 27.
Uzziah, king of Judah, ii. 186 , 188 ,
189, 190.

Varus, i. 9, 10, 11 , 28; iii. 220,
221,222,223, 224, 225, 226, 227,
242, 243, 253, 254, 255.

Vespasian, Roman emperor, father
of Titus and Domitian, i. 50,
52, 53, 59, 60, 62 ; ii. 318, 319;
iii. 376.

Vesuvius, eruption of Mount, in
the days of Titus, iii. 397.

Vienne, iii. 262.

Vitellius, procurator of Judaea, iii.
278, 279, 280, 281, 284, 285,
306.

Witch of Endor, i. 408, 409, 410.

World, creation of the, i. 71, 72.

Xanthicus (Macedonian name of
the month Nisan), i. 79, 175,
176, 214, 247; ii. 265.

Xerxes,son andsuccessorofDarius,
ii. 266, 267, 268, 272, 273, 276.

Zachariah, the prophet, ii. 263,
264.

Zadok, high priest, ii. 21, 37, 41,
45, 46, 48, 54, 64, 65, 67, 69,
74.

Zeruiah, sister of David, and
mother of Joab, Asahel, and
Abishai, i. 405 ; ii. 3, 43.

END OF VOLUME III.

CHISWICK PRESS C. WHITTINGHAM AND CO., TOOKS COURT,
CHANCERY LANE.

Date Due

DS116.J7 v.3

AUTHOR

Josephus

TITLE

The works of Flavius Josephus

DATE DUE I BORROWER'S NAME

DS

116

•J7

v.3

J osephus

The works of Flavius Josephus